The Road
To Modern Wars
President Trump pursues a policy combining military threat with economic
warfare and his aim is to restore American hegemony especially in view of
the rising contender: China. Beijing has been acquiring technological
knowledge and started expanding beyond the borders, having easier access to
Central Asia and the Pacific than Americans.
In 2015, when Trump stood for election, we wrote: “Trump’s war rhetoric is very popular with his audiences and is a step beyond Obama’s statement about American exceptionalism. In New Hampshire, Trump nearly declared war on China as he stated: ‘Take a look at China what they have done, they have taken our money, our jobs, our base, our manufacturing, and we owe them 1.5 trillion dollars that’s like a magic act, they have taken everything, and we owe them money.’ Mr Trump did not tell his audience that bringing back jobs comes at a cost. China’s GDP per capita is around 7,500 dollars, while the GDP per capita of the US is about 55,000 dollars. The China rhetoric is unambiguous; China stole what belongs to the US, and there is no need to repay US debt owed to China. The world should brace for Mr Trump as the 45th president of the USA.”
Do Germans still belong to Germany in the near future?
The speed with which the German population is shrinking seems to be
even too much for the statisticians of Destatis, the official German bureau
of statistics, who posit that by 2060, with a zero level of net immigration,
the German population will have declined to 60,2 million. However,
our research team has found out that this number is far too optimistic: in
40 years Germany will have a population of 52,6 million people, a
considerable 34% drop from the current 81 million inhabitants, and by the
end of the century the native German population, the indigenous people
without a migration background, will have shrunk even further and be
approaching 21,6 million. The explanation that Destatis has mailed us is
tantamount to admitting that their projections are unrealistic
If the German elites succeed in maintaining their population at 80
million, in 2060 the majority of naturalized Germans will have no historical
relation to the nation’s ancestors who were once proud subjects of the Holy
Roman Empire. Moreover, they will stand in the same relation to Albert
Schweitzer, Johann Sebastian Bach, Karl Benz and Friedrich Nietzsche as Recep Tayyip Erdoğan stands to the Byzantine emperors. The excessive numbers
of migrants will have altered the German nation forever.
By 2050 many of the German historical figures, like Albert Schweitzer mentioned above, will be unmasked as racists and consequently removed from street names and history books and replaced with new heroes, a process that is already taking place in the US and the Netherlands. In the former, monuments to southern generals are under attack, whereas in the latter, migrant parties are pressing for Dutch historical figures to be eradicated from public spaces, streets to be renamed and their most important traditions, which are allegedly not inclusive, oppressive or insulting to national, racial or religious minorities to be prohibited. A country’s history should be about the past deeds of its people, but when people are replaced there is no connection with the past and it may happen that before this century is out, the majority of German citizens will have their cultural roots and their ancestors outside Germany or even outside Europe.
While one may label these predictions as scaremongering, this does not make them unreliable. Demographic forecasts, granting there are no unpredictable changes like outbreaks of epidemics or famine, are remarkably accurate. Consider the comparison of the results obtained by Destatis and us for the zero-migration model.
The incredibly shrinking Italian population: By 2080, Italians will be a
minority in their own country
Though the official data shows that Italy’s population was
growing until 2015 and according to a Eurostat projection it will
stabilize within the next decades, the number of indigenous citizens is
shrinking with an astonishing pace: every year by a quarter of a
million, and this decline will accelerate. That means that the
projected demographic growth can only be achieved by mass migration from
Africa and Central Asia. Currently most migrants in Italy are from
Romania but that number is declining rapidly. There will be less and
less migration from other European countries because all European
nations are in a dramatic demographic decline and because due to the
prolonged Italian economic crisis the country is not a prime destination
for people from other European states.
If the official Eurostat forecast is correct, then within 60 years or, taking into consideration the current pace of migration even sooner, 50% of Italy’s inhabitants will be of African or Asian descent. The figures found by our demographic-research team are by far not unique and government statisticians have the same numbers. Not only are the Italian and European authorities fully aware of this, but they seem to be executing a re-population program on such a monumental scale that will dwarf the Swedish mass migration experiment.
The Italian fertility rate (of indigenous and naturalized female citizens), i.e. the number of children per woman, is 1.34, which is far below the replacement level of 2.1. Much the same is true of the whole European continent. In this respect Europe resembles Japan. The difference is that while the Japanese authorities expect the country’s population to decline by a stunning 60% by the end of this century, the European governments predict a population growth. Why is that so? The answer is simple. The European leaders have opted for replenishing their nations with migrants whereas their Japanese counterparts have not. The Tokyo authorities refuse to replace their people with aliens, knowing full well that in the long run such a step would mean that Japan will only continue to exist in name.
To get a better understanding of the demographic development in Europe, the Gefira team has developed software for population simulation, called Cerberus 2.0. The program is fed with millions of records provided by Eurostat and National Statistic Agencies of different European member-states. For Italy, Cerberus 2.0 began its simulation with the 1985 population level, which is the first year for which a complete database concerning death and fertility rates is available. To calculate the population of the subsequent years, Cerberus 2.0 increased the age of all groups. The program uses the age-specific fertility and death rates for each year. The number of newborns can be calculated from the age-specific fertility rate multiplied by the number of women in each year. The program can determine very precisely how many newborns there are and how many people die in each age-group. Demographic prediction without migration is the most precise forecast and leaves us with little uncertainty about the plight of the Italian nation.
Starting with the year 1985, Cerberus 2.0 calculated that in 2016 Italy should have numbered 55 million people. Yet, according to Istat, the Italian National Institute of Statistics, there were 60 million inhabitants, which means that 5 million of them were immigrants. This fact was both admitted by Istat and predicted by our software.
For the predictions after 2016 Cerberus 2.0 uses the fertility and
death rates from 2016. This simulation gives a very accurate estimation
of the future Italian population.
Italy’s parallel fiscal currency: all you need to know
There is an increased talk in Italy about fiscal money as an
instrument to resolve the economic crisis, which is not over yet. Despite
the optimism shown by the Italian government and the EU, the Eurozone
economy is far from being in an acceptable condition, and this applies in
particular for Italy.
In 2017 Italy’s real GDP will grow by 1.5% compared to the previous year, which is 6% less than what it was in 2007, ten years earlier! Within the same period unemployment has doubled, the number of people in poverty tripled from 1.5 million to almost 5, and this trend does not seem to be reversing. The Italian economic system is working far below its potential: this gap has been created first by the global financial crisis of 2008 and then by the austerity policies “prescribed” by the EU in 2011. Italy can solve this problem by introducing an adequate quantity of purchasing power in its economic system. It can’t do it by issuing euros, nor (due to the mechanisms of the Eurozone) by increasing the state deficits.
All these difficulties stem from the fact that Italy is not an issuer but a user of the currency, the euro. The introduction of a fiscal currency might help to bypass the constraint that Rome cannot print money and maintain the impression that the euro works. The fiscal money concept goes back to chartalism theorised by German economist Georg Friedrich Knapp at the beginning of 1900 and then expanded by the economists adhering to the “Modern Monetary Theory” (MMT).
The basic principles of the fiscal money are two:
- First: it is a particular government bond that has a value given to it by the state, even if it does not enjoy the status of a legal tender. In other words, the state binds itself to accept it, e.g. for the payment of taxes or governmental services, while business and citizens are free to use it or not. .
- Second: as the bond is not designed to be reimbursed with the euro, which the state can no longer emit, the state is always able to honour its agreement. The bond cannot be exchanged for euros, but bondholders can use this special bond to pay their taxes or services provided by the state. It principle looks like a discount coupon that cannot be exchanged for euros but has a value, and oblige the issuer to provide a discount.
Since the state agrees to accept it but not to redeem it, it can’t default on its obligation. Such a bond is equivalent to a sovereign currency.
How can the fiscal money work in Italy?
Right now in Italy, three opposition parties are evaluating the fiscal money
proposal.
Forza Italia (Berlusconi’s party), proposes
1) Fiscal Credit Certificates (CCF). CCFs were initially invented by
Marco Cattaneo and then developed with the help of various economists and
researchers in numerous articles, books and an ebook2)
that gained widespread popularity. The state emits CCFs witch gives the
right to a reduction in the payment of taxation (or any other financial
transaction with the public sector) two years after their emission.
CCFs are distributed in different ways: To workers to increase their
income, as some reverse tax; To businesses to reduce the weight of taxation
on income (which implies an immediate increase in competitiveness with
foreign businesses. and prevents the economic recovery from deteriorating
the trade balance);
To low-income groups as a form of social spending; as an addition to what
they already get in euros.
They can also be used to finance public investment.
While the CCFs are not legal tender, they have value because everybody can
use them to pay taxes or buy government services. And since they have value,
they can be exchanged for goods or euros. Suppose that the Italian
government issues CCFs worth 100 euros in tax. It is highly likely that
commercial operators, such as shops, will accept CCFs as an alternative for
the euro. Commercial operator can use the acquired CCFs to fulfill their tax
obligation.
CCFs are officially not government debt and do not add to the total amount of Italian public debt. The Italian government will accept the CCFs two years after issuance, in the meantime they can be used as a parallel currency. Two years between the emission and the use to pay taxes will be enough for the economic recovery in the form of GDP increase, simply because CCFs have increased purchasing power and economic activities, and thus tax revenue increase, compensating for the reduction of state revenue caused by payment via CCFs. During the two years that they are in circulation, the CCFs will function as legal tender, and the Italian government can increase its spending by paying its expenditures partly in CCFs, and without increasing the national debt.
Movimento 5 Stelle (the movement started by comedian Beppe Grillo) has
expressed interest in the model proposed by Gennaro Zezza.3)
It envisages digital fiscal money in the form of electronic cards
distributed among the public. Units of value can be used for the purchase of
goods and services in the private sector. Unlike the other versions of
”fiscal money”, this one would not require the 2 years delay after the
emission. The use to pay taxes will be possible in installments, say 20% per
year starting from the beginning.
Lega Nord and in particular Claudio Borghi, responsible for economic policies, propose the emission of “Minibots”,4) or CCFs that would circulate in the form of paper with the same size as the euro banknotes. Minibots would be issued to businesses or individuals who have the right to a fiscal deduction. Instead of a tax deduction, the company or person receive an equal amount of “Minibots”, Minibots could be used immediately to pay taxes or as a form of payment for services by state enterprises.
Minibots do not increase the receiver’s assets because they cancel out the right of a promised tax deduction or another form of a credit of the state. It transforms, however, an illiquid credit, the government owes a private company or person, into an instrument that can circulate and be used immediately.
Fiscal money: a permanent or provisional solution?
Fiscal money is an instrument manageable by the national government to boost
both internal demand and increase the competitiveness of Italian businesses
by lowering the taxation. It restores in the euro-system the
flexibility necessary to correct its dysfunctions, without necessarily
breaking it. The emission time can be organized to ensure
- high levels of employment,
- an optimum trade balance,
- meeting public finance budget constraints.
When it comes to Point (iii) in particular, given a goal of fiscal
deficit (the difference between expenditure and revenue of the state), the
necessary level to end the negative economic cyclical phase will be obtained
via an adequate level of emission of fiscal money.
The parallelism between fiscal money and the euro gives the possibility to
create a stable eurozone. In this sense, fiscal money must become an
instrument permanently available to governments to enact anti-cyclical
policies and overcome moments of difficulty for the economy (starting with
the current one). It is possible that the emission of fiscal money
will lower to zero during a particularly positive economic cycle.
The instrument would always be available in case of need.
Fiscal money and EU legislation
The fiscal money idea is not in conflict with any existing EU
legislation. It is not a currency as the law does not force its
acceptance. Therefore it does not violate the principle of monetary monopoly
of the ECB when it comes to emitting legal tender, the euro. It is not
public debt. Eurostat rules clarify without ambiguity that it is not
debt as long as the public sector is not forced to make payments in it.
Fiscal money is a non-payable tax credit: it does not create a right
to be paid but a right to reduce the tax payments due. There is no
due date or coupon payment. When the Italian government issues 1 billion
euro future tax credits, it does not increase the national debt.
Most importantly, the regulations of the Eurozone are based on the principle of not increasing the risk of default on public debt by member states. Emitting fiscal money does not conflict with this goal because no state can be forced to default on a bond that is a future fiscal discount. The Italian government will never be forced to redeem CCFs or Minibots in the euro, a currency that the Italian state has no sovereignty over and cannot create.
Naturally, the existence of fiscal money can constitute a first step for a state to leave the euro system if at a certain point the fiscal money is declared legal tender instead of the euro. The Emission of fiscal currency comes with a risk: it could be the end of the euro. However, the real risks of the end of the euro result from the design flaws of the Eurozone and are not created by the emission of fiscal money. The Eurozone problems already exist and will continue until the ongoing dysfunctions are fixed, dysfunctions that the fiscal money helps to overcome.
NGOs are smuggling immigrants into Europe on an industrial scale
There is an increased talk in Italy about fiscal money as an instrument to resolve the economic crisis, which is not over yet. Despite the optimism shown by the Italian government and the EU, the Eurozone economy is far from being in an acceptable condition, and this applies in particular for Italy.
In 2017 Italy’s real GDP will grow by 1.5% compared to the previous year, which is 6% less than what it was in 2007, ten years earlier! Within the same period unemployment has doubled, the number of people in poverty tripled from 1.5 million to almost 5, and this trend does not seem to be reversing. The Italian economic system is working far below its potential: this gap has been created first by the global financial crisis of 2008 and then by the austerity policies “prescribed” by the EU in 2011. Italy can solve this problem by introducing an adequate quantity of purchasing power in its economic system. It can’t do it by issuing euros, nor (due to the mechanisms of the Eurozone) by increasing the state deficits.
All these difficulties stem from the fact that Italy is not an issuer but a user of the currency, the euro. The introduction of a fiscal currency might help to bypass the constraint that Rome cannot print money and maintain the impression that the euro works. The fiscal money concept goes back to chartalism theorised by German economist Georg Friedrich Knapp at the beginning of 1900 and then expanded by the economists adhering to the “Modern Monetary Theory” (MMT).
The basic principles of the fiscal money are two:
- First: it is a particular government bond that has a value given to it by the state, even if it does not enjoy the status of a legal tender. In other words, the state binds itself to accept it, e.g. for the payment of taxes or governmental services, while business and citizens are free to use it or not. .
- Second: as the bond is not designed to be reimbursed with the euro, which the state can no longer emit, the state is always able to honour its agreement. The bond cannot be exchanged for euros, but bondholders can use this special bond to pay their taxes or services provided by the state. It principle looks like a discount coupon that cannot be exchanged for euros but has a value, and oblige the issuer to provide a discount.
Since the state agrees to accept it but not to redeem it, it can’t default on its obligation. Such a bond is equivalent to a sovereign currency.
How can the fiscal money work in Italy?
Right now in Italy, three opposition parties are evaluating the fiscal money
proposal.
Forza Italia (Berlusconi’s party), proposes
1) Fiscal Credit Certificates (CCF). CCFs were initially invented by
Marco Cattaneo and then developed with the help of various economists and
researchers in numerous articles, books and an ebook2)
that gained widespread popularity. The state emits CCFs witch gives the
right to a reduction in the payment of taxation (or any other financial
transaction with the public sector) two years after their emission.
CCFs are distributed in different ways: To workers to increase their
income, as some reverse tax; To businesses to reduce the weight of taxation
on income (which implies an immediate increase in competitiveness with
foreign businesses. and prevents the economic recovery from deteriorating
the trade balance);
To low-income groups as a form of social spending; as an addition to what
they already get in euros.
They can also be used to finance public investment.
While the CCFs are not legal tender, they have value because everybody can
use them to pay taxes or buy government services. And since they have value,
they can be exchanged for goods or euros. Suppose that the Italian
government issues CCFs worth 100 euros in tax. It is highly likely that
commercial operators, such as shops, will accept CCFs as an alternative for
the euro. Commercial operator can use the acquired CCFs to fulfill their tax
obligation.
CCFs are officially not government debt and do not add to the total amount of Italian public debt. The Italian government will accept the CCFs two years after issuance, in the meantime they can be used as a parallel currency. Two years between the emission and the use to pay taxes will be enough for the economic recovery in the form of GDP increase, simply because CCFs have increased purchasing power and economic activities, and thus tax revenue increase, compensating for the reduction of state revenue caused by payment via CCFs. During the two years that they are in circulation, the CCFs will function as legal tender, and the Italian government can increase its spending by paying its expenditures partly in CCFs, and without increasing the national debt.
Movimento 5 Stelle (the movement started by comedian Beppe Grillo) has
expressed interest in the model proposed by Gennaro Zezza.3)
It envisages digital fiscal money in the form of electronic cards
distributed among the public. Units of value can be used for the purchase of
goods and services in the private sector. Unlike the other versions of
”fiscal money”, this one would not require the 2 years delay after the
emission. The use to pay taxes will be possible in installments, say 20% per
year starting from the beginning.
Lega Nord and in particular Claudio Borghi, responsible for economic policies, propose the emission of “Minibots”,4) or CCFs that would circulate in the form of paper with the same size as the euro banknotes. Minibots would be issued to businesses or individuals who have the right to a fiscal deduction. Instead of a tax deduction, the company or person receive an equal amount of “Minibots”, Minibots could be used immediately to pay taxes or as a form of payment for services by state enterprises.
Minibots do not increase the receiver’s assets because they cancel out the right of a promised tax deduction or another form of a credit of the state. It transforms, however, an illiquid credit, the government owes a private company or person, into an instrument that can circulate and be used immediately.
Fiscal money: a permanent or provisional solution?
Fiscal money is an instrument manageable by the national government to boost
both internal demand and increase the competitiveness of Italian businesses
by lowering the taxation. It restores in the euro-system the
flexibility necessary to correct its dysfunctions, without necessarily
breaking it. The emission time can be organized to ensure
- high levels of employment,
- an optimum trade balance,
- meeting public finance budget constraints.
When it comes to Point (iii) in particular, given a goal of fiscal
deficit (the difference between expenditure and revenue of the state), the
necessary level to end the negative economic cyclical phase will be obtained
via an adequate level of emission of fiscal money.
The parallelism between fiscal money and the euro gives the possibility to
create a stable eurozone. In this sense, fiscal money must become an
instrument permanently available to governments to enact anti-cyclical
policies and overcome moments of difficulty for the economy (starting with
the current one). It is possible that the emission of fiscal money
will lower to zero during a particularly positive economic cycle.
The instrument would always be available in case of need.
Fiscal money and EU legislation
The fiscal money idea is not in conflict with any existing EU
legislation. It is not a currency as the law does not force its
acceptance. Therefore it does not violate the principle of monetary monopoly
of the ECB when it comes to emitting legal tender, the euro. It is not
public debt. Eurostat rules clarify without ambiguity that it is not
debt as long as the public sector is not forced to make payments in it.
Fiscal money is a non-payable tax credit: it does not create a right
to be paid but a right to reduce the tax payments due. There is no
due date or coupon payment. When the Italian government issues 1 billion
euro future tax credits, it does not increase the national debt.
Most importantly, the regulations of the Eurozone are based on the principle of not increasing the risk of default on public debt by member states. Emitting fiscal money does not conflict with this goal because no state can be forced to default on a bond that is a future fiscal discount. The Italian government will never be forced to redeem CCFs or Minibots in the euro, a currency that the Italian state has no sovereignty over and cannot create.
Naturally, the existence of fiscal money can constitute a first step for a state to leave the euro system if at a certain point the fiscal money is declared legal tender instead of the euro. The Emission of fiscal currency comes with a risk: it could be the end of the euro. However, the real risks of the end of the euro result from the design flaws of the Eurozone and are not created by the emission of fiscal money. The Eurozone problems already exist and will continue until the ongoing dysfunctions are fixed, dysfunctions that the fiscal money helps to overcome.
Soros-Sponsored Immigration Network Exposed In Italy [ broken link
sadly ]
QUOTE
Via GEFIRA.org,
The following article is based on Francesca Totolo’s research published on lucadonadel.it.
Open Borders, Media Censorship
Why is there a migrant crisis in the Mediterranean?
Why are NGOs involved? Because there is an extensive
network of open borders activists and organizations behind it;
many of them are directly funded by or cooperated with George Soros’
Open Society. Is it illegal? Not really. Political activism
is an essential part of democratic societies. However, sometimes it
goes too far, or the promoted causes prove to be either unrealistic
or unsustainable [ or treasonous - Editor ].
The network of the “immigration lobby’’ in Italy
is made up of International NGOs financed by the Open Society
Foundation (green), Italian NGOs financed by OSF (blue), and
organizations with shared projects with OSF (purple).
Associazione Carta di Roma was founded in December 2011 to put into execution a moral code for correct information on immigration. Since February 2016 the “Glossary’’ of the Charter of Rome (Carta di Roma) is an integral part of the “Unified charter of duties of the journalist’ ’Permanent invited members are the UN High Council for Refugees, the International Organization for Migrations and the National Office against Racial Discrimination.
The glossary of the Charter of Rome been revised and corrected by the editors to guarantee political correctness, limiting the use of words that are deemed not adequate when the subject of a piece of news is without citizenship and in a foreign country. The accepted terms are: -asylum seeker, refugee, person protected by subsidiary protection, beneficiary of humanitarian protection, victim of smuggling, irregular migrant (previously commonly defined as clandestine), mixed migratory influx. The term “clandestine’’ is now punished with fines, and warnings from the Order of Journalists.
In the majority of cases the Charter of Rome considers redundant mentioning the nationality of those who commit crime on Italian territory.
Sponsors of the Charter are Open Society Foundations, the UNHCR and the Valdese Church.
Associazione Carta di Roma lists the following “reliable’’ sources, many of which are Italian or international NGOs directly funded by the Open Society Foundation: Amnesty International, ASGI, COSPE, 21 Luglio, Fortress Europe, A Buon Diritto, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), Save The Children, currently involved in the migrant traffic in the Mediterranean and finally UNAR, recently involved in a scandal of gay prostitution.
2. Open Society and COSPE ONLUSCospe Onlus is a non-profit, private organization founded in 1983. It operates in 30 countries with 150 projects “to favour equal and sustainable development, respect of human rights, peace and justice for people’’, supporting the right to international mobility. Its goal is a world where “diversity is considered a value, a world with many voices, where the meeting of different people results in mutual enrichment and where social justice goes through equal rights and opportunities’’.
Cospe and NGOs in the Mediterranean
Cospe is among the original founders and promoters of SOS Mediterranee Italia, an NGO that works in the Mediterranean cooperating with Médecins Sans Frontières on the ship Acquarius
Cospe’s partners,include the already mentioned Associazione Carta di Roma, which shares Cospe’s platform on “correct communication’’ on the immigration question; they organized seminaries for journalists on the topics of immigration and racial discrimination. Carta di Lampasas (Charter of Lampasas) is a free association of individuals born in 2014 to work against laws limiting immigration and for the abolition of all European laws that limit freedom of movement.
Copse Budget
The last budget published is from 2015. Cospe gathered funding of approximately €9.5 million, of which €7.5 million was from public subjects, the most relevant of which are the European Union (66%) and the Italian Ministry for Foreign Affairs (27%).
3. Open Society and ASGI (Association for Juridical Studies on Immigration)ASGI’s task is to disseminate ideas on immigration laws among lawyers, jurists and academics; it has contributed to the creation of national and EU laws on immigration, asylum and citizenship, promoting political dialogue and protection of foreigners. ASGI was founded by the Open Society Foundation and is directly funded by it.
ASGI projects
ASGI focuses heavily on the current situation in Hungary. The UNHCR requested a temporary suspension of asylum requests to Hungary, according to the rules of the Dublin Treaty: ‘“Given the worsening conditions of asylum seekers in Hungary, we ask to suspend the transfer of any asylum seeker to this country, until the policies of the Hungarian government are not in line with European and international law’’.
Anti-discrimination service: ASGI provides juridical support against ethnic, racial and religious discrimination in Italy, with an operative centre in Milan and a number of secondary centres in Turin, Florence, Naples, Rome and Verona, a network of professionals that collaborate in monitoring discrimination matters. It is funded by Charlemagne Onlus, Tavola Valdese and the Open Society Foundations.12)
ASGI’s Manifesto
According to ASGI, the reasons for migration to Europe are: wars, repressive regimes and dictatorships, consequences of colonialism, exploitation of natural resources of the African continent, demographic growth, climate change.
In terms of immigration, asylum and citizenship reform, ASGI proposes:
–channels for free access to a country for job seeking purposes;
-ways to make temporary visas permanent;
-easier family reunion processes;
–voluntary repatriation or alternative measures as opposed to forced repatriation;
–right to vote in administrative elections for non-EU foreigners, on the same conditions as for EU nationals and easier acquisition of citizenship;
-on asylum the EU should: desist from hostile policies adopted in the last years such as the EU-Turkey agreement of March 2016, and collaboration with dictatorships such as those in Libya, Sudan, and Niger; create an obligatory redistribution plan for refugees, adjust the current Dublin regulation with the possibility of requesting asylum in the country chosen by the asylum seeker.
ASGI’s network
Migregroup: it participates in the project Boats4people, and supports the online platform WatchTheMed, that maps deaths and violations of migrant rights at the external frontiers of the EU.
WatchTheMed was founded by NGO Habeshia run by father Mussie Zerai, (self-proclaimed father Moses for his ability to make migrants arrive in Europe). The organization has a list for ‘’the good migrant’’, where interested people can find information on how to arrive in Europe through the Mediterranean. ONG Sea-Watch, currently present in the Mediterranean transporting migrants to Europe, is a part of the platform of WatchTheMed.
ASGI collaborates with Associazione 21 Luglio, Senza Confine (No Borders), Doctors for Human Rights, SIMM (Italian society for medicine of migrations).
4. Open Society and CILD (Italian coalition for freedoms and civil rights)Created in 2014, CILD is a network of organizations to promote rights and freedoms for everyone, with advocacy campaigns, public and legal actions. CILD supports easier access for migrants in face of “mixed influxes’’. After a recent change in the law to welcome unaccompanied minors in Italy, it pushed for a change in citizenship laws, currently materialized in the attempt to switch from Ius Sanguinis to Ius Soli.
Its manifesto includes a change of vision on immigration, as a system of asylum, not criminal, based on welcoming duties and enlargement of citizenship.
CILD activities include, the project Open Migration, which focuses on a fact-checking of news on immigration; its articles cover criticism of the investigation of NGOs in the Mediterranean, a claim that refugee appeals are not overburdening the judicial system, and another claim that immigrants are overrepresented in the jail system due to preventive custody, ignoring the data showing that migrants commit crimes in Italy at 6 times the rate of natives.
CILD’s network
It includes, among others:
5. Open Society and A Buon DirittoA Buon Diritto: an advocacy group on the immigration issue. Funded by the Open Society;
ANSI (National Association Intercultural Press): promoted and constituted by foreign journalists, supported by Cospe and Open Society;
Antigone: organization for the rights and warranties of the penal system, funded by the Open Society;
ARCI: large popular movement to promote emancipation, with over a million subscribers, supported by Open Society;
ASGI: detailed above;
Associazione 21 Luglio: focuses on the Roma minority. Funded by the Open Society;
CIR (Italian Council for Refugees): funded by Open Society;
Cittadini del Mondo (Citizens of the world): open borders promoter, funded by Open Society;
Cospe Onlus: referred above
Fondazione Leone Moressa: think thank with a focus on immigration, funded by the Open Society;
Lunaria: non-profit with a focus on globalization and migration, regularly collaborates with the Open Society;
NAGA: migrant rights with a focus on Roma, funded by the Open Society;
PARSEC: social studies research institute with a focus on immigration, created the project “parlare civile’’ (civil talking) that focuses on politically correct wording, supported by the Open Society;
A Buon Diritto (For good law) is an advocacy group focused on immigration, its website is full of the contributions from the Open Society. Its president is Luigi Manconi, also known as Simone Dessì, a former activist of Lotta Continua (Continued Fight), a communist party. Its publications include “Accogliamoli Tutti’’ (Let’s welcome all of them), a book that claims that “the only efficient immigration policy is welcoming everyone’’, citing replacement migration, the replacement of elderly, dying Italians with young immigrants as the core element of its thesis. It claims that this approach is based on “common sense and a pragmatic approach to govern immigration, not passively receive it’’. The foreword is by former Ministry of Integration of Italy Cécile Kyenge.
Another publication is “Abolire il Carcere’’ (Abolish jail), a “reasonable proposal of reform for the safety of citizens’’.
Its initiatives include:
Conclusions-‘’Navigare a vista’’ (Navigate in sight), a “tale of the search and rescue activities by NGOs in the Mediterranean’’.
-‘’The great lie of taxi-ships: NGOs and rescue in the sea’’, a conference attended by Luigi Manconi, Emma Bonino, former Minister of Foreign Affairs, and representatives of the NGOs Proactiva Open Arms, MSF and Save the Children, all currently active in the Mediterranean.
The network, as exemplified by CILDI, is extensive and intricate. It ranges from former ministers, Kyenge (Immigration) and Bonino (foreign affairs), both directly responsible for the large influx of migrants being forcefully accepted into Italy, to support groups promoting press censorship, but also providing juridical support, advocacy and publications.
Only in few cases one can inspect their budgets, not exactly a trait suggesting transparency and openness.
The main theme of the Open Society network is to use anti-discrimination laws to promote unlimited migration via the abolition of borders. The idea is clearly stated in the manifesto of many organizations. Most organizations promote their extreme views as “fact based’’ or “common sense’’ to give themselves an aura of scientific approach, while providing subjective and ideological interpretation of data and omitting inconvenient information. That is also why they omit the nationality of the criminal. It’s equivalent to admitting there is a problem but it should not be talked about. This is typical of totalitarian regimes, not democratic and certainly not “open’’ societies. The stated goal of “correct information on the theme of immigration’’ is certainly not achieved this way.
Finally, the no-borders strategy is being implemented with the
widespread action of the immigration lobby in favour of NGOs
operating in the Mediterranean. Whether through its funding or
publications covering the topic, conferences, research or
information channels for migrants, the network effectively provides
support for migrants, regardless of whether they are legal or
illegal.
UNQUOTE
Soros is no friend of us.
Open
Society Foundations ex Wiki
Open Society Foundations (OSF), formerly the Open Society
Institute, is an international
grant making network founded by business magnate
George Soros.[1]
Open Society Foundations financially support civil society groups around the
world, with a stated aim of advancing justice, education, public health and
independent media.[2][3]
The group's name is inspired by
Karl
Popper's 1945 book
The Open Society and Its Enemies.[4]
The OSF has branches in 37 countries,[5] encompassing a group of country and regional foundations, such as the Open Society Initiative for West Africa, and the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa; its headquarters are in New York City. In 2018, OSF announced it was closing its European office in Budapest and moving to Berlin, in response to legislation passed by the Hungarian Government targeting the foundation's activities.[6] Since its establishment in 1993, OSF has reported expenditures in excess of $11 billion mostly in grants towards NGOs, aligned with the organisation's mission.[7]