Alfred Milner

Alfred Milner, 1st Viscount Milner KG was a highly regarded politician during the Great War, its Aftermath, the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 and the Versailles Treaty.  A large part of his efforts came earlier with something like a take over of South Africa from the Boers, the Afrikaner farmers after gold was discovered there. NB Bartle Frere, an earlier administrator was prone to disasters.

As part of the War Cabinet he helped form the British position regarding the Bolshevik Revolution, which is why he is mentioned by Antony Sutton in Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution. Doctor Sutton tells us who was pulling the strings in 1917. Milner had dealings with Cecil Rhodes and other important people in that era.

He was written up by under the heading Alfred Milner and His ‘Group’.

 

Alfred Milner and His ‘Group’
by
QUOTE
American conservative writer Steve Sailer has written a balanced critique of what is widely termed the Rhodes/Milner ‘secret society’, ‘Milner’s Kindergarten’, or the ‘Round Table Group’ among ‘conspiracy theorists’.[1] Mr. Sailer provides an objective examination that is often missing, especially from American writers. The review is based on Carroll Quigley's 1949 book The Anglo-American Establishment, detailing the conspiratorial apparatus of an imperialist coterie founded by Cecil Rhodes, and Lord Alfred Milner, to extend the influence of the British race over the world, including the reclaiming of the USA.[2] Quigley also wrote of ‘The Group’ in his magnum opus Tragedy & Hope,[3] used as the primary text for his classes as Harvard. Although a certain class of ‘American patriots’ draw heavily on Tragedy & Hope, of the 1300 pages only a few dozen deal with what Quigley calls an ‘international Anglophile network’ of financiers, whose aims, more so than methods, Quigley supported, and whose ‘secret papers’ he was permitted to examine during the 1960s.[4]
Hence Quigley’s comments are of particular value to ‘conspiracy theorists’, because he was what The John Birch Society refers to as an ‘Insider’.

That is not to say that the rest of Quigley’s book has much of interest. It does, but a lot of it does not confirm the biases of many conspiratologists; namely that there remained a permanent link between the USSR and the financial cabal and that the ‘cold war’ was a ruse; or that ‘Wall Street backed Hitler’.[5] Quigley claims rather that the use of debt-finance loans by this ‘network’ worked with the early Bolsheviks but failed with subsequent Soviet leaders, and worked with the Weimar politicians but failed with Hitler.[6] Quigley also explains quite a bit about the origins of the ‘cold war’ which should otherwise be of interest to conservatives, except that he shows that it was Stalin who stymied a U.S. –sponsored U.N. world state; the reverse of the wide-spread conservative contention that the U.N.O. was a commie plot in cahoots with the ‘Anglo-American Establishment’.

What is notable about The Anglo-American Establishment is that the ‘American’ part is barely discernible. Of the Milner Group Quigley has much to say. Of an alliance with Wall Street, very little among over three hundred pages. The title of the book is a misnomer. Given the course the USA took towards Britain (along with the other European empires) it is an oxymoron.

Quigley was an Anglophile liberal-internationalist. He was certainly no conservative, directing his contempt towards such conservative manifestations in the USA as that of Barry Goldwater.[8]
He also stated (1949) in The Anglo-American Establishment that he hopes his views would not be exploited by ‘Anglophobe isolationists’ such as those of The Chicago Tribune.[9]

However, Quigley’s expose has struck a particular chord with sundry Americans of an otherwise very heterogeneous ‘patriot’ movement. This is unsurprising since the bedrock of U.S. patriotism is homage to the American rebellion against the British Empire, or ‘the spirit of ‘76’. Hence without understanding the character of international finance – i.e., that it is international – the ‘international conspiracy’ takes on a British focus, although those using Quigley’s work are at pains to point out that names such as Rothschild and Lazard do not show that this ‘conspiracy’ is Jewish. For this purpose, it seems that the conspiracy is international, other than when its alleged Anglophile purposes are being emphasised. The American ‘patriots’ of today might then claim the mantle of their forefathers in continuing to rebel against this British imperialism centred at The City of London. By extension the British Royal family is also often implicated. Another variation is that these plutocrats, including the British Royal Family, are not even human, but are reptilian shape-shifters.

Quigley writes in Tragedy & Hope that the cabal he is discussing is based around international bankers, its purpose being to create an international financial system.[10] As will be seen, this is far removed, and indeed antithetical, to the Rhodes/Milner vision. The most well known representatives of the new ‘financial capitalism’ were the House of Rothschild.[11]
But the link between Rothschild and the Rhodes-Milner Group is exaggerated by many commentators, with Milner routinely called a ‘Rothschild agent’.[12] For the purpose of emphasising an ‘Anglo-American’ bloc the focus is changed to that of J. P. Morgan, a staunch Episcopalian, although J.P. had died in 1913, and there seems little reason to believe that J. P. Morgan Co. remained Anglophile.
UNQUOTE
Mr Bolton has been over the ground.

 

Alfred Milner, 1st Viscount Milner ex Wiki   
QUOTE
Alfred Milner, 1st Viscount Milner KG, GCB, GCMG, PC (23 March 1854—13 May 1925) was a British statesman and colonial administrator who played a role in the formulation of foreign and domestic policy between the mid-1890s and early 1920s. From December 1916 to November 1918, he was one of the most important members of David Lloyd George's War Cabinet.

In Southern Africa
AAlfred Milner remained at the Board of Inland Revenue until 1897. He was regarded as one of the clearest-headed and most judicious officials in the British service, and his position as a man of moderate Liberal views, who had been so closely associated with Goschen at the Treasury, Cromer in Egypt and Hicks-Beach (Lord St Aldwyn) and Sir William Vernon Harcourt while at the Inland Revenue, marked him as one in whom all parties might have confidence. The moment for testing his capacity in the highest degree had now come.[2]

In April, Lord Rosmead resigned his posts of High Commissioner for Southern Africa and Governor of Cape Colony. The situation resulting from the Jameson raid was one of the greatest delicacy and difficulty, and Joseph Chamberlain, now Colonial Secretary, selected Milner as Lord Rosmead's successor. The choice was cordially approved by the leaders of the Liberal party and warmly recognised at a farewell dinner on 28 March 1897 presided over by the future prime minister H. H. Asquith. The appointment was avowedly made in order that an acceptable British statesman, in whom public confidence was reposed, might go to South Africa to consider all the circumstances and to formulate a policy which should combine the upholding of British interests with the attempt to deal justly with the Transvaal and Orange Free State governments.[4]

Milner reached the Cape in May 1897 and by August, after the difficulties with President Kruger over the Aliens' Law had been patched up, he was free to make himself personally acquainted with the country and peoples before deciding on the lines of policy to be adopted. Between August 1897 and May 1898 he travelled through Cape Colony, the Bechuanaland Protectorate, Rhodesia, and Basutoland. To better understand the point of view of the Cape Dutch and the burghers of the Transvaal and Orange Free State, Milner also during this period learned both Dutch and the South African "Taal" Afrikaans. He came to the conclusion that there could be no hope of peace and progress in South Africa while there remained the "permanent subjection of British to Dutch in one of the Republics".[5]

Milner was referring to the situation in the Transvaal where, in the aftermath of the discovery of gold, thousands of fortune seekers had flocked from all over Europe, but mostly Britain. This influx of foreigners, referred to as "Uitlanders", was received negatively in the republic, and Transvaal's President Kruger refused to give the "Uitlanders" the right to vote. The Afrikaner farmers, known as Boers, had established the Transvaal Republic after their Great Trek out of Cape Colony, which was done in order to live beyond the reach of the British colonial administration in South Africa. They had already successfully defended the Transvaal's annexation by the British Empire during the First Anglo-Boer War, a conflict that had emboldened them and resulted in a peace treaty which, lacking a highly convincing pretext, made it very difficult for Britain to justify diplomatically another annexation of the Transvaal.[citation needed]

The Transvaal Republic stood in the way of Britain's "Cape to Cairo" ambitions, and Milner realised that, with the discovery of gold in the Transvaal, the balance of power in South Africa had shifted from Cape Town to Johannesburg. He feared that if the whole of South Africa were not quickly brought under British control, the newly-wealthy Transvaal, controlled by Afrikaners, could unite with Cape Afrikaners and jeopardise the entire British position in South Africa.[citation needed] Milner also realised—as was shown by the triumphant re-election of Paul Kruger to the presidency of the Transvaal in February 1898—that the Pretoria government would never on its own initiative redress the grievances of the Uitlanders.[5] This gave Milner the pretext to use the "Uitlander" question to his advantage.

In a speech delivered on 3 March 1898 at Graaff Reinet, an Afrikaner Bond stronghold in the British Cape Colony, Milner outlined his determination to secure freedom and equality for British subjects in the Transvaal, and he urged the Boers to induce the Pretoria government to assimilate its institutions, and the temper and spirit of its administration, to those of the free communities of South Africa. The effect of this pronouncement was great and it alarmed the Afrikaners who, at this time, viewed with apprehension the virtual resumption by Cecil Rhodes/a> of leadership of the Cape's Progressive (British) Party.[5]

Later in 1899, Milner would meet Violet Cecil, the wife of Major Lord Edward Cecil. Edward Cecil was commissioned to South Africa after serving in the Grenadier Guards. Milner and Violet would begin a secret affair that would last until her departure in late 1900 back to England. She had a noticeable effect on his disposition, Milner himself wrote in his diary that he was feeling "very low indeed". Edward Cecil learned of this affair and pushed for a commission to Egypt after Violet pushed to return to South Africa. Milner would later marry Violet Cecil.[6]

Milner held hostile views towards the Afrikaners, and became to the most prominent voice in the British government pushing for war with the Boer republics to secure British control over the region.[6] After meeting Milner for the first time, Boer soldier (and future politician) Jan Smuts predicted that he would be "more dangerous than Rhodes" and would become "a second Bartle Frere".
UNQUOTE

 

Bartle Frere ex Wiki
Sir Henry Bartle Edward Frere, 1st Baronet GCB GCSI PC (29 March 1815 – 29 May 1884) was a British colonial administrator. He had a successful career in India, rising to become Governor of Bombay (1862–1867). However, as High Commissioner for Southern Africa (1877–1880), he implemented a set of policies which attempted to impose a British confederation on the region and which led to the overthrow of the Cape's first elected government in 1878 and to a string of regional wars, culminating in the invasion of Zululand (1879) and the First Boer War (1880–1881). The British Prime Minister, Gladstone, recalled Frere to London to face charges of misconduct; Whitehall officially censured Frere for acting recklessly.

 

Carroll Quigley ex Wiki
QUOTE
Carroll Quigley (/ˈkwɪɡli/; November 9, 1910 – January 3, 1977) was an American historian and theorist of the evolution of civilizations. He is remembered for his teaching work as a professor at Georgetown University, and for his writing about global conspiracies, in which he argued that an Anglo-American banking elite have worked together for centuries to spread certain values globally.[1]

Life and careerer
Born in Boston, Quigley attended Harvard University, where he studied history and earned B.A, M.A., and Ph.D. degrees. He taught at Princeton University, and then at Harvard, and then from 1941 to 1976 at the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University.[2]

From 1941 until 1972, he taught a two-semester course at Georgetown on the development of civilizations. According to his obituary in The Washington Star, many alumni of Georgetown's School of Foreign Service asserted that this was "the most influential course in their undergraduate careers".[2]

In addition to his academic work, Quigley served as a consultant to the U.S. Department of Defense, the United States Navy, the Smithsonian Institution, and the House Select Committee on Astronautics and Space Exploration in the 1950s.[2] He was also a book reviewer for The Washington Star, and a contributor and editorial board member of Current History.[1]:94

Quigley retired from Georgetown in June 1976 after being honored by the student body with its Faculty Award for the fourth consecutive year.[3][2] He died the following year at Georgetown University Hospital following a heart attack.[3]

Major conclusions
Inclusive diversity
Quigley's work emphasized inclusive diversity as a core value of Western civilization,[4] contrasting it with the dualism of Plato.[5] He concluded the book Tragedy and Hope with the hope that the West could "resume its development along its old patterns of Inclusive Diversity".[6] From his study of history, "it is clear that the West believes in diversity rather than in uniformity, in pluralism rather than in monism or dualism, in inclusion rather than exclusion, in liberty rather than in authority, in truth rather than in power, in conversion rather than in annihilation, in the individual rather than in the organization, in reconciliation rather than in triumph, in heterogeneity rather than in homogeneity, in relativisms rather than in absolutes, and in approximations rather than in final answers."[7]

Quigley asserts that any intolerance or rigidity in the religious practices of the West are aberrations from its nature of inclusivity and diversity. Quigley points to the tolerance and flexibility in Aquinas's belief that theological truth is revealed over time through dialogue within the Christian community, which allows the community to adapt to a changing world.

Institutionalization and the fall of civilizations
Having studied the rise and fall of civilizations, "Quigley found the explanation of disintegration in the gradual transformation of social 'instruments' into 'institutions,' that is, transformation of social arrangements functioning to meet real social needs into social institutions serving their own purposes regardless of real social needs".[10]

Weapons and democracy
From a historical study of weapons and political dynamics, Quigley concludes that the characteristics of weapons are the main predictor of democracy.[11][12] Democracy tends to emerge only when the best weapons available are easy for individuals to buy and use.[13] This explains why democracy occurs so rarely in human history.[14]

In the 1800s (peaking in the 1880s), guns were the best weapon available. In America, almost everyone could afford to buy a gun, and could learn how to use it fairly easily. Governments couldn't do any better: it became the age of mass armies of citizen soldiers with guns.[13] (Similarly, Periclean Greece was an age of the citizen soldier and of democracy[14]).

In the 1900s, expensive, specialist weapons (such as tanks and bombers) became available, and citizen soldiers became dominated by specialist soldiers.[15] Quigley notes that the slaughter of World War I (1914-1918) was due to the mismatch between the traditional armies (citizen soldiers) and the available weapons (machine guns used defensively).[16]

Style
Quigley's writing style is dense, influenced by a former history professor of his:

"As we raced along, Goethe was covered in fifteen minutes, Schiller in ten, Fichte in five...he covered any topic simply by slicing it up into a small number of parts and giving a name to each part. The complex character and achievement of Goethe, for example, were divided into six portions, each was given a title, and, ever after, the whole of Goethe could be evoked merely by reciting six words...I should like to outdare even my former professor by dividing this greater complexity [Classical culture] into only five parts."[17]

Quigley's analytical style is scientific, stemming from his earlier training in physics.[18][19]

In this book we are concerned with the social sciences...and particularly with the effort to apply a scientific method of observation, formulation of hypotheses, and testing to such phenomena. The enormous size of this field has made it advisable to curtail our attention to the process of social change, especially in civilizations.[20]

Influence on Bill Clinton
In his freshman year (1965) in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown, future U.S. President Bill Clinton took Quigley's course, receiving a 'B' as his final grade in both semesters (an excellent grade in a course where nearly half the students received D or lower).[1]

In 1991, Clinton named Quigley as an important influence on his aspirations and political philosophy, when Clinton launched his presidential campaign in a speech at Georgetown.[1]:96 He mentioned Quigley again during his acceptance speech to the 1992 Democratic National Convention, as follows:

As a teenager, I heard John Kennedy's summons to citizenship. And then, as a student at Georgetown, I heard that call clarified by a professor named Carroll Quigley, who said to us that America was the greatest Nation in history because our people had always believed in two things–that tomorrow can be better than today and that every one of us has a personal moral responsibility to make it so.[21]

He also had a strong influence on Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi who met her husband Paul Pelosi in a class taught by Quigley.[22]

Quigley and the Round Table group
One distinctive feature of Quigley's historical writings is his assertion that the Round Table movement played a significant role in recent world history. His writing on this topic has made Quigley famous among many who investigate conspiracy theories.

Quigley's claims about the Milner Group
In his book The Anglo-American Establishment: From Rhodes to Cliveden (written in 1949 and published posthumously in 1981),[23] Quigley purports to trace the history of a secret society. The book uses no footnotes and does not show his sources. He focuses on the Round Table group founded in 1891 by Cecil Rhodes and Alfred Milner. Quigley argues that "The organization was so modified and so expanded by Milner after the eclipse of Stead in 1899, and especially after the death of Rhodes in 1902, that it took on quite a different organization and character, although it continued to pursue the same goals."[24] Quigley greatly admired the British Empire and lamented that the secret society was not very successful. Historian Robert Rotberg states:

But Quigley was not opposed to what Rhodes and Milner had purportedly tried to accomplish. Indeed, Quigley wrote more in remorse at what had failed than in antagonism to what he believed were their mutual efforts at extending the British Empire,"[25]

The society consisted of an inner circle ("The Society of the Elect") and an outer circle ("The Association of Helpers", also known as The Milner Kindergarten and the Round Table Group).[26] The society as a whole does not have a fixed name:

This society has been known at various times as Milner's Kindergarten, as the Round Table Group, as the Rhodes crowd, as The Times crowd, as the All Souls group, and as the Cliveden set. ... I have chosen to call it the Milner group. Those persons who have used the other terms, or heard them used, have not generally been aware that all these various terms referred to the same Group...this Group is, as I shall show, one of the most important historical facts of the twentieth century.[27]:ix

Quigley assigns this group primary or exclusive credit for several historical events: the Jameson Raid, the Second Boer War, the founding of the Union of South Africa, the replacement of the British Empire with the Commonwealth of Nations, and a number of Britain's foreign policy decisions in the twentieth century.[27]:5

In 1966, Quigley published a one-volume history of the twentieth century, titled Tragedy and Hope. At several points in this book, the history of the Milner group is discussed. Moreover, Quigley states that he has recently been in direct contact with this organization, whose nature he contrasts to right-wing claims of a communist conspiracy:

This radical Right fairy tale, which is now an accepted folk myth in many groups in America, pictured the recent history of the United States, in regard to domestic reform and in foreign affairs, as a well-organized plot by extreme Left-wing elements ... This myth, like all fables, does in fact have a modicum of truth. There does exist, and has existed for a generation, an international Anglophile network which operates, to some extent, in the way the Radical right believes the Communists act. In fact, this network, which we may identify as the Round Table Groups, has no aversion to cooperating with the Communists, or any other group, and frequently does so. I know of the operation of this network because I have studied it for twenty years and was permitted for two years, in the early 1960s, to examine its papers and secret records. I have no aversion to it or to most of its aims and have, for much of my life, been close to it and to many of its instruments. I have objected, both in the past and recently, to a few of its policies... but in general my chief difference of opinion is that it wishes to remain unknown, and I believe its role in history is significant enough to be known.[28]:949–950

According to Quigley, the leaders of this group were Cecil Rhodes and Alfred Milner from 1891 until Rhodes' death in 1902, Milner alone until his own death in 1925, Lionel Curtis from 1925 to 1955, Robert H. (Baron) Brand from 1955 to 1963, and Adam D. Marris from 1963 until the time Quigley wrote his book. This organization also functioned through certain loosely affiliated "front groups", including the Royal Institute of International Affairs, the Institute of Pacific Relations, and the Council on Foreign Relations.[28]:132, 950–952

In addition, other secret societies are briefly discussed in Tragedy and Hope, including a consortium of the leaders of the central banks of several countries, who formed the Bank for International Settlements.[28]:323–324 Historian Robert Rotberg reports that, "Unfortunately, Tragedy and Hope lacks the usual scholarly apparatus. It cites nothing."[29]

Citations of Quigley in exposés of purported conspiracies
Soon after its publication, Tragedy and Hope caught the attention of authors interested in conspiracies. They proceeded to publicize Quigley's claims, disseminating them to a much larger audience than his original readership.[1]:96, 98

This began in 1970, when W. Cleon Skousen published The Naked Capitalist: A Review and Commentary on Dr. Carroll Quigley's Book "Tragedy and Hope". The first third of this book consists of extensive excerpts from Tragedy and Hope, interspersed with commentary by Skousen. Skousen quotes Quigley's description of the activities of several groups — the Milner Group, a cartel of international bankers, the Communist Party, the Institute of Pacific Relations, and the Council on Foreign Relations. According to Skousen's interpretation of Quigley's book, each of these is a facet of one large conspiracy.[30] The following year, G. Edward Griffin released the documentary The Capitalist Conspiracy: An Inside View of International Banking, crediting the Skousen book: "We wish to acknowledge that this film was insipred by Cleon Skousen's book, The Naked Capitalist, which we believe is one of the most important documents of the decade."[31] Quigley responded directly to Skousen in a review stating that Skousen "has echoes of the original Nazi 25 point program."[32]

In 1971, Gary Allen, a spokesman for the John Birch Society, published None Dare Call It Conspiracy, which became a bestseller. Allen cited Quigley's Tragedy and Hope as an authoritative source on conspiracies throughout his book. Like Skousen, Allen understood the various conspiracies in Quigley's book to be branches of one large conspiracy, and also connected them to the Bilderbergers and to Richard Nixon.[33] The John Birch Society continues to cite Quigley as a primary source for their view of history.[34]

Quigley is also cited by several other authors who assert the existence of powerful conspiracies. Jim Marrs, whose work was used as a source by Oliver Stone in his film JFK, cites Quigley in his book Rule By Secrecy, which describes a conspiracy linking the Milner Group, Skull and Bones, the Trilateral Commission, the Bavarian Illuminati, the Knights Templar, and aliens who posed as the Sumerian gods thousands of years ago.[35] Pat Robertson's book The New World Order cites Quigley as an authority on a powerful conspiracy.[1]:98 Conservative activist Phyllis Schlafly has asserted that Bill Clinton's political success was due to his pursuit of the "world government" agenda he learned from Quigley.[1]:98 G. Edward Griffin relies heavily on Quigley for information about the role Milner's secret society plays in the Federal Reserve in his book The Creature from Jekyll Island: A Second Look at the Federal Reserve.[36]

Quigley was dismissive of the authors who used his writings to support theories of a world domination conspiracy. Of W. Cleon Skousen's The Naked Capitalist he stated:

Skousen's book is full of misrepresentations and factual errors. He claims that I have written of a conspiracy of the super-rich who are pro-Communist and wish to take over the world and that I'm a member of this group. But I never called it a conspiracy and don't regard it as such. I'm not an "insider" of these rich persons, although Skousen thinks so. I happen to know some of them and liked them, although I disagreed with some of the things they did before 1940.[37]

On Gary Allen's None Dare Call It Conspiracy he said:

They thought Dr. Carroll Quigley proved everything. For example, they constantly misquote me to this effect: that Lord Milner (the dominant trustee of the Cecil Rhodes Trust and a heavy in the Round Table Group) helped finance the Bolsheviks. I have been through the greater part of Milner's private papers and have found no evidence to support that. Further, None Dare Call It Conspiracy insists that international bankers were a single bloc, were all powerful and remain so today. I, on the contrary, stated in my book that they were much divided, often fought among themselves, had great influence but not control of political life and were sharply reduced in power about 1931-1940, when they became less influential than monopolized industry.[38]

Criticism
F. William Engdahl, in an overview of financial imperialism entitled The Gods of Money, criticized Quigley for stating that the power of international bankers declined in the 1930s, and insofar as the influence of international bankers in America was concerned, suggested that Quigley was confusing "international finance" with Morgan interests. He suggested, like Sutton, that Quigley's papers had been vetted. Engdahl argued that it was not the case that the power of "international finance" declined, but rather, Morgan interests fell and were replaced by Rockefeller interests.[39]

Quigley stated that the intentions and objectives of the group he profiled, associated with Wall Street and the City of London and Cecil Rhodes' super-imperialism, were "largely commendable". Members of the group, in statements recorded by the New York Times in 1902, proclaimed that they formed their society for the purpose of "gradually absorbing the wealth of the world".[40]

Quigley argued that the Round Table groups were not World Government advocates but super-imperialists. He stated that they emphatically did not want the League of Nations to become a World Government. Yet Lionel Curtis, who, according to Quigley, was one of the leaders of the Round Table movement, wished for it to be a World government with teeth, writing articles with H. G. Wells urging this.[41]
UNQUOTE
A top flight man.

 

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Barney_Barnato

Barney Barnato ex Wiki
Barney Barnato (21 February 1851 – 14 June 1897), born Barnet Isaacs, was a British Randlord, one of the entrepreneurs who gained control of diamond mining, and later gold mining, in South Africa from the 1870s. He is perhaps best remembered as being a rival of Cecil Rhodes.

 

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Randlord

Randlord ex Wiki
Randlords were the entrepreneurs who controlled the diamond and gold mining industries in South Africa in its pioneer phase from the 1870s up to World War I.

A small number of European adventurers and financiers, largely of the same generation, gained control of the diamond mining industry at Kimberley, Northern Cape. They set up an infrastructure of financing and industrial consolidation which they then applied to exploit the discoveries of gold from 1886 in Transvaal at Witwatersrand — the "Rand". Once based in the Transvaal, many set up residence in the mansions of Parktown.

Many of the Randlords received baronetcies in recognition of their contributions. They include

  • Alfred Beit (1853–1906)                        [ Jew ]
  • Sir Otto Beit, 1st Bt (1865–1930)          [ Jew ]
  • Hermann Ludwig Eckstein (1847–1893) [ German ]
  • Sir George Herbert Farrar (1859–1915) [ like Anthony Farrar-Hockley aka Farrar the Para? ]
  • Adolf Goerz (1857–1900)                      [ German ]
  • John Hays Hammond (1855–1936)        [ American, first class man ]
  • Gustav Imroth (1862–1946)                   [ Jew ]
  • Solomon Joel (1865–1931)                     [ Jew]
  • John Dale Lace (1859–1937)                 [ Manxman ]
  • Isaac Lewis (1849–1927)                       [ American, designed the Lewis Gun ]
  • Samuel Marks (1843–1920)                   [ Jew, clever, honest ]
  • Maximilian Michaelis (1852–1932)       [ Jew ]
  • Sigismund Neumann (1857 - )               [ Jew  ] needs work on it
    •
  • Sir Lionel Phillips, 1st Bt (1855–1936) [ Jew, friend of Rhodes ]
  • Jules Porgès (1838–1921)                     [ Jew ]
  • Cecil John Rhodes (1853–1902)           [ English ]
  • Sir Joseph Benjamin Robinson, 1st Bt (1840–1929) [ South African, pushy ]
  • Charles Dunell Rudd (1844–1916)        [ English ]
  • Jim B Taylor (1860-1944)                     [ South African, spoke Afrikaans, served ]
  • Sir Julius Wernher, 1st Bt (1850–1912)[ German, married a Jew ]
  • Sir Thomas Cullinan (1862–1936)
    •         [ South African, brickie ]

    13 0ut of 25 were Jews