Money laundering isn't real crime. It is one invented by governments to screw honest people; it makes robbing us easier. The laws used to enforce it are full of holes, which allow government outfits to bypass problems. If you doubt it read what John Q Publius has to tell us at The Shadow Architecture of Electoral Politics.
It is also true that government accounting is
corrupt. Legitimate companies using the same methods would be broken. If you
need to move money privately use cash,
Hawala
or, just possibly
Wadiah. One approach is to read what
J Orlin Grabbe
has tell us at PS
PS [ = Pre Scriptum rather than Post Scriptum ]
https://www.memresearch.org/grabbe/
has a large archive of work by
J Orlin Grabbe.
He is lost to us sad to say; some of his work is not. See e.g.
Now, in 2020 Private Eye has done a special report
called Carry On
Laundering written by
Richard
Brooks
https://www.private-eye.co.uk/issue-1531/in-the-back
The Money Laundering Nonsense
Panama Papers
Money Laundering ex Wiki
Regardless of the difficulty in measurement, the amount of money laundered
each year is in the
billions (US
dollars) and poses a significant policy concern for governments [ Why? ]
As a result, governments and international bodies have undertaken efforts to
deter, prevent and apprehend money launderers. Financial institutions have
likewise undertaken efforts to prevent and detect transactions involving dirty
money, both as a result of government requirements and to avoid the reputational
risk involved.
Customer Identification Program
Financial Crimes Enforcement Network
Office of Foreign Assets Control
The Money Laundering Nonsense
PS [ = Pre Scriptum rather than Post Scriptum ]
https://www.memresearch.org/grabbe/
has a large archive of work by
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_Orlin_Grabbe.
He is lost to us sad to say; some of his work is not.
Late one night while sharing a
pharmacological product with a spook I met in the
northeastern part of the United States, I mentioned I
was studying cryptology.
"Cryptology is the future," he responded
emphatically. "It's what's going to protect us from
Big Brother."
Since he worked for the National Security
Agency (NSA), the thought did occur to me that
many would have taken the position that he and his
colleagues were Big Brother. But I had learned
years ago not to demonize people on the basis of an
accidental profession. After all, if an ex-CIA
employee like Kerry Thornley could become a
staunch libertarian, the creator of Zenarchy and
implied co-author of the Erisian holy book
Principia Discordia [1], then there was hope for all
of us. I additionally believed that one of our best
defenses against the national security state was the
perennial proclivity of clandestine organizations to
piss off their own employees [2].
At any rate, the spook spoke the truth:
cryptology represents the future of privacy, and
more. By implication cryptology also represents the
future of money, and the future of banking and
finance. (By "money" I mean the medium of
exchange, the institutional mechanisms for making
transactions, whether by cash, check, debit card or
other electronic transfer.) Given the choice between
intersecting with a monetary system that leaves a
detailed electronic trail of all one's financial
activities, and a parallel system that ensures
anonymity and privacy, people will opt for the
latter. Moreover, they will demand the latter,
because the current monetary system is being turned
into the principal instrument of surveillance and
control by tyrannical elements in Western
governments.
These elements all want to know where your
money comes from, and when and how you spend
it. After all, you might be a terrorist, drug dealer,
or spy. And if you try to hide your transactions, you
are by definition a money launderer and perhaps a
child pornographer.
Say what? To understand this quaint
accusatorial juxtaposition, one only has to grasp a
few simple facts: Money is digital information.
The way to hide digital information is through
cryptography. The government doesn't want you
using cryptography, because they want to know
where your money is so they can get some of it.
And they don't like you using drugs, unless the
government is the dealer [3], or viewing child
pornography, unless the government supplies it
because it is setting you up for blackmail or a smear
campaign [4].
Okay, I'll admit it. I like privacy (I often
send mail inside sealed envelopes, and sometimes
close the door when I go to the bathroom), take
drugs (nothing like a cup of expresso in the
morning), and don't like to pay taxes (but doesn't
H&R Block make a living off this same popular
sentiment?). I don't know much about child
pornography, but a friend of a friend is said to have
a distant cousin who swears he keeps several
hundred gigabytes of encrypted pictures of naked
children stored in NSA computers at Ft. Meade. ("No
one breaks in there," the cousin supposedly brags.)
[5]
This is serious stuff. Consider the following
items as pieces of an overall mosaic, whose ultimate
meaning will become even more obscure as we
proceed.
Cryptography software is classified as
munitions, and its export is restricted by the State
Department. The International Traffic in Arms
Regulations (ITAR) defines "encryption software"
to include not only computer programs designed to
protect the privacy of information, but all of the
technical data about those programs. ITAR
restrictions continue to be enforced, even though the
Justice Department originally found them
unconstitutional [6]. Mail a copy of your new
encryption program to a friend in Italy, and--
presto!--you are subject to prosecution as an
international arms dealer. (It is not, however, illegal
to export your program to outer space, or to deliver
it to your friend by rocket, since a "launch vehicle
or payload shall not, by the launching of such
vehicle, be considered export for the purposes of
this subchapter" (120.10).)
Steward Baker, Chief Counsel for NSA,
points out how the spread of cryptology plays into
the hands of pedophiles: "Take for example the
campaign to distribute PGP ('Pretty Good Privacy')
encryption on the Internet. Some argue that
widespread availability of this encryption will help
Latvian freedom fighters today and American
freedom fighters tomorrow. Well, not quite. Rather,
one of the earliest users of PGP was a high-tech
pedophile in Santa Clara, California. He used PGP
to encrypt files that, police suspect, include a diary
of his contacts with susceptible young boys using
computer bulletin boards all over the country. 'What
really bothers me,' says Detective Brian Kennedy of
the Sacramento, California, Sheriff's Department, 'is
that there could be kids out there who need help
badly, but thanks to this encryption, we'll never
reach them' " [7] .
Which does lead to a few questions. Since
the NSA is the largest user of encryption software in
the world, does that mean NSA is rife with
pedophiles? Are police suspicions to be taken as
convincing evidence? And what if this alleged
pedophile had never kept notes in the first place?
But never mind. What really bothers me is that there
could be kids out there who need help badly, but
thanks to sloppy records, extended ignorance, and
appeals to national security, we'll never reach them.
The NSA Chief Counsel also noted, as he
had in previous speeches, ". . . it's the proponents of
widespread unbreakable encryption who want to
create a brave new world, one in which all of us--
crooks included--have a guarantee that the
government can't tap our phones." Which caused
one observer, Bruce Sterling, to remark, "As a
professional science fiction writer I remember being
immediately struck by the deep conviction that there
was plenty of Brave New World to go around" [8].
Georgetown University cryptologist
Dorothy Denning reminds us that "Because
encryption can make communications immune from
lawful interception, it threatens a key law
enforcement tool. The proliferation of high quality,
portable, easy-to-use, and affordable encryption
could be harmful to society if law enforcement does
not have the means to decrypt lawfully intercepted
communications. Although encryption of stored
files is also of concern, 99% of the issue is
telephone communications (voice, fax, and data)"
[9].
The reason for this is all those people on the
phone dealing drugs. "Almost two thirds of all
court orders for electronic surveillance are used to
fight the war on drugs, and electronic surveillance
has been critical in identifying and then dismantling
major drug trafficking organizations. In an
operation code named 'PIZZA CONNECTION,' an
FBI international investigation into the importation
and distribution of $1.6 billion worth of heroin by
the Sicilian Mafia and La Cosa Nostra resulted in
the indictment of 57 high-level drug traffickers in
the U.S. and 5 in Italy . . .. The FBI estimates that
the war on drugs and its continuing legacy of
violent street crime would be substantially, if not
totally, lost if law enforcement were to lose its
capability for electronic surveillance" [10].
In fact, that's supposed to settle the issue
right there: "We need such-and-such to fight the
war on drugs. Case closed." This argument is used
ad nauseam in document after document. Nowhere
is the issue raised: Oh yeah? So why are we
fighting a war on drugs? Such questions are ruled
out, because we're dealing with needs here, and
needs spew forth their own logic and evolve their
own morals.
One of governments' biggest needs is to
get all that drug money for themselves, the part they
don't already have. The U.S. State Department
proposes a sort of international spree of
government theft: "We must effect greater asset
seizures, not just of bank accounts, but also
corporate assets and even corporate entities . . . We
must be ready to impose appropriate sanctions
against banking institutions, as well as bankers . . .
The FATF [Financial Task Force] countries, the 12
EU [European Union] nations, the EFTA countries,
and the majority of the 95 states party to the 1988
UN Convention are adopting (if not yet fully
implementing) legislation that will ultimately
improve individual and collective capabilities." [11]
Everyone is suspect. You say you want to
buy some Portuguese escudos? We better keep our
eye on you--you're a potential money launderer.
According to the State Department, "Entry in the
European monetary system has made the escudo,
which became fully convertible in 1993, more
attractive to potential money launderers" [12].
Hmm. Hey, fellows. With that mentality, you
should send some investigators from Foggy Bottom
up to 19th Street. You'll find an entire building, an
outfit called the International Monetary Fund, which
was originally set up to work for currency
convertibility. No telling what wicked potential
money laundering havens they're working on next.
The Financial Crimes Enforcement
Network (FinCEN) located in Vienna, Virginia, was
set up in April 1990 to track money laundering, and
given computerized access to data from pretty much
everyone--FBI, DEA, Secret Service, Customs
Service, Postal Service, CIA, NSA, Defense
Intelligence Agency, National Security Council, the
State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and
Research, and, yes, the IRS (despite denials).
FinCEN has a $2.4 million contract with Los
Alamos National Laboratory to develop artificial
intelligence programs to look for unexplained
money flows [13]. FinCEN also proposed a
"Deposit Tracking System" (DTS) that would also
track deposits to, or withdrawals from, U.S. banks
accounts in real time.
Now, if you were a drug dealer (or maybe
just an average Joe), how would you react to all this
unwanted attention? Try to keep a low profile,
maybe? Perhaps opt out of the usual banking
channels? "During the past two years, analysts saw
an increasing use of non-bank financial institutions,
especially exchange houses, check cashing services,
credit unions, and instruments like postal money
orders, cashiers checks, and certificates of deposit
(particularly in 'bearer' form), with transactions
occurring in an ever longer list of countries and
territories" [12].
This process whereby money flows through
non-traditional banking channels is termed
disintermediation. Disintermediation happens
whenever a government manipulates banking
services in such a way to make them less attractive.
For example, if bank deposits have an interest rate
ceiling of 3 percent, you may elect to pull your
money out of bank deposits, and purchase Treasury
bills which have no ceiling. In the same way, if the
government is looking around in your bank account,
perhaps with the idea of seizing it, or seizing you,
you may elect not to have a bank account, or at least
not one the government knows about. Or you may
elect to use non-traditional financial channels which
are less likely to be observed. The ultimate end of
the process is completely anonymous banking
through encrypted digital cash.
The State Department also notes with alarm
that "[drug] traffickers were employing professional
money managers." Which does lead one to reflect,
whatever is the world coming to? The next thing
you know, drug dealers will be shopping at the
local grocery store and sending their children to
better schools. They'll be mowing their lawns and
sprucing up the neighborhood. How could we live
in such a society?
All this talk of computers has gotten the
IRS hot and bothered also. Not in a negative way,
mind you. The IRS has become obsessed with the
noble goal to save us time by just sending us a bill:
"In an effort to catch more tax cheats, the Internal
Revenue Service plans to vastly expand the secret
computer database of information it keeps on
virtually all Americans. . . .'Ultimately, the IRS may
obtain enough information to prepare most tax
returns,' said Coleta Brueck, the agency's top
document processing official. 'If I know what
you've made during the year', she said, 'if I know
what your withholding is, if I know what your
spending pattern is, I should be able to generate for
you a tax return...' " [14].
We have nothing to fear, apparently, but
fiends who hide their spending patterns. Well,
Coleta, you had better prepare for a flood of data
that is spending-pattern impaired, because
according to the Crypto Anarchist Manifesto, "Just
as the technology of printing altered and reduced
the power of medieval guilds and the social power
structure, so too will cryptologic methods
fundamentally alter the nature of corporations and
of government interference in economic
transactions" [15].
How did we come to this state of catch as
catch can, and where are we going from here?
Perhaps history will give some perspective. Let's
start with that big bugaboo--drugs. In article logic,
drug prohibition leads to money laundering, which
leads to increased surveillance of banking
transactions, and heightens interest in anonymity
through cryptology.
In the mid-1990s the United States and other
countries were spending a good deal of money on a
"war on drugs." What the phrase meant was unclear
in a nation where 50 million people used tobacco,
over 100 million used alcohol, and virtually
everyone used aspirin or an equivalent pain-reliever.
But certainly there was a prohibition in using, or
dealing in, certain drugs. Naturally these drugs
were still available on the black market despite the
prohibition. The market supplied the consumption
needs not only of the general public, but also of
federal prisoners. Thus even if the country were
turned into a police state, such drugs would still be
available. Given this, what was the purpose or
function of the prohibition? The simple economic
rationale was this: the war on drugs was a source of
profit both to those who dealt in prohibited drugs,
and those who conducted the war against them.
The prohibition of anything is a restriction
in supply. Supply restriction drives up the price. In
1973-4 the OPEC cartel caused a quick four-fold
increase in the price of oil by restricting its supply.
It also greatly increased the profit margin on each
barrel pumped out of the ground. In a similar way,
prohibition of drugs increases their black market
price and the potential profit margin from supplying
them to the public. But legitimate businessmen are
deterred from entering the market. Hence drug
prohibition creates a bonanza--high profit margins
--only for those willing to deal in prohibited
products. Just as alcohol prohibition financed the
growth of powerful mobsters like Al Capone earlier
in the century, so did prohibition of cocaine finance
the growth of powerful production and supply
cartels, such as the Cali cartel in Colombia. The
U.S. government's prohibition made it possible for
them to become rich, and then powerful.
Because trade in drugs is illegal, contracts
cannot be enforced in court. One cannot resort to
common or commercial law. Hence contracts are
often enforced via the barrel of a gun. And as there
is no countervailing authority, those who enforce
their contracts with guns may use the same method
to simply eliminate competition. Territory is
acquired or defended by force. Steven B. Duke, the
Law of Science and Technology Professor at Yale
University states simply: "The use of drugs--
except, of course, alcohol--causes almost no
crime." But drug prohibition does cause crime. The
firearm assault and murder rates rose in the U.S.
with the start of Prohibition in 1920, and remained
high during it, but then declined for eleven
consequence years after Prohibition was repealed.
In the U.S. today, perhaps one-third of murders are
related to contract enforcement and competition
over dealing territory [16].
Prohibition turns others into crime victims.
Because certain drugs cannot be obtained at the
local neighborhood drugstore, drug consumers visit
unsafe parts of a city, and are simply assaulted.
Such victims, naturally, are not in a position to
complain to the police. Others become victims
because of the lack of quality control. Because
drugs are illegal, rip-off artists who deal in
substitute or impure products know they will not be
sued. Other suppliers simply make mistakes in
production, but these mistakes are not caught right
away because information flow is not efficient in a
non-public market. This results in injuries, often
caused not the use of the prohibited drugs
themselves, but by the constraint on the flow of
information brought about by prohibition.
During the earlier era of alcohol Prohibition
in the U.S., many of a city's leading citizens became
criminals by the fact of visiting the bar of a local
speakeasy. There, naturally, they associated with
the proprietors, mobsters, who began to acquire
increasing political influence. Today billions of
dollars in cocaine profits leads to wide-spread
corruption [17].
About 1.2 million suspected drug offenders
are arrested each year in the U.S., most of them for
simple possession or petty sale [18]. Currently in
the U.S., police spend one-half their time on drug-
related crimes. The court system is on the verge of
collapse because of the proliferation of drug cases,
which-because they are criminal cases-have
priority over civil cases. Six out of ten federal
inmates are in prison on drug charges. Probably
another two of the ten are there on prohibition-
related offenses. There is a crisis in prison
crowding (forty states are under court order to
reduce overcrowding), with the result that violent
criminals--including child molesters, multiple
rapists, and kidnappers--are often released early.
This is reinforced by mandatory sentencing laws.
Consensual drug offenses are not only treated as the
moral equivalent of murder, rape, or kidnapping:
they are given harsher punishment. Youths are sent
to prison for life for selling drugs, while murderers
were eligible for early parole for good behavior
[19]. As one example, Florida punishes "simple
rape" by a maximum prison term of 15 years,
second-degree murder with no mandatory minimum
and a maximum of life in prison , first degree
murder (where the death penalty is not imposed)
with a mandatory minimum penalty of 25 years,
after which one is eligible for parole, but trafficking
in cocaine is punished with life imprisonment
"without the possibility of parole."
The war on drugs has turned into a war on
civil liberties The reason is simple. The war is a
war on people suspected of using, or dealing in, or
otherwise being involved in drugs. But the drug
industry survives because tens of millions of people
engage in voluntary transactions, which they try to
keep secret. Hence law enforcement must attempt
to penetrate the private lives of millions of
suspects, which could be almost anyone. A Nobel
prize-winning economist wrote: "Every friend of
freedom . . . must be as revolted as I am by the
prospect of turning the U.S. into an armed camp, by
the vision of jails filled with casual drug users and
of an army of enforcers empowered to invade the
liberty of citizens on slight evidence" [20].
Unfortunately, not everyone is a friend of freedom.
A mayor of New York advocated strip searching
travelers from Asia and South America. A U.S.
congressman introduced a bill to create an
"American Gulag" of Arctic prison camps for drug
offenders. And so on.
The drug trade is sustained by prohibition
itself. Agencies like the Drug Enforcement
Administration (DEA) grew up to "fight" the drug
war. Their budgets, prestige, and paychecks depend
on the war's continuation. These agencies have vast
sums to spend on public relations and propaganda
("education"), and a vested interest against
legalization. Since these agencies profit from
crime, they have an incentive to cultivate
criminality as a natural resource. The sheriff of
Broward County, Florida, manufactured his own
crack cocaine to sell to buyers in order to arrest
them [21]. Others employ cocaine gigolos, who
then pressure unsuspecting boyfriends/girlfriends
into purchasing drugs from undercover agents (e.g.,
United States v. Eugenio Llamera, No. 84-167-Cr
(S.D. Fla. 1984)). Periodically a new "biggest ever"
drug bust (such as 22 tons of cocaine in a Los
Angeles warehouse) is proudly announced, with no
apparent perception that such busts prove the
agencies are failing in their alleged goal of drug
elimination. Meanwhile, some government
employees-drug warriors-themselves engage in
criminal acts for enjoyment or to supplement their
income. Drug dealers, in particular, can be killed
and robbed with impunity. Forfeiture laws, which
allow the seizure of money, houses, boats, cars,
planes, and other property on the basis of a
circumstantial connection with prohibited drugs,
have also been profitable. The associate deputy
attorney general in charge of the U.S. Justice
Department's forfeiture program said "we're not at
all apologetic about the fact that we do benefit
(financially) from it" [22].
Others are paid to extend the war
internationally. Examples include Latin American
coca crop eradication and substitution programs.
These have had almost no success, and have created
massive social problems [23]. Poor farmers can
make four to ten times as much growing coca as in
growing legal crops [24]; they can grow coca and
marijuana in regions with poor soil; and they can
avoid oppressive agricultural regulations
encountered with the production and sale of crops
lacking an efficient alternative to government
marketing organizations. The 200,000 peasant
families (1 million people) engaged in coca
production in Peru are oblivious to campaigns
urging them to "just say no" to the source of their
livelihood.
In the last few years, the use of, and hence
the demand for, cocaine has fallen. But there are
always new ways to justify increased drug war
budgets. The U.S. Department of State notes, with
no awareness of the irony of the statement: For at some point it occurred to these drug
warriors, mighty and bold, that there were easier
ways to make a living. Why not just go after the
cash? After all, if you go out to the poppy fields
you may get your boots muddy, and (more
importantly) bankers don't carry guns.
The House of Representatives report on the
banking legislation leading up to the U.S. Banking
Secrecy Act of 1970 noted that "secret foreign bank
accounts and secret foreign financial institutions"
had been used, among other things, to "purchase
gold," and to serve "as the ultimate depository of
black market proceeds from Vietnam" [25]. The
report does not explain why the purchase of gold
was a menace to society, nor elaborate on the role of
the House in creating a black market in Vietnam.
Within a few years gold was legalized, and the
absence of U.S. military forces in Vietnam
eliminated the black market. The report also noted:
"Unwarranted and unwanted credit is being pumped
into our markets." This was also attributed to
foreign banks with secrecy laws, although the
Federal Reserve--the real source of excess credit in
the years leading up to the breakdown of Bretton
Woods--is not foreign. In short, the House report
was a broad-based attack with little rhyme or
reason, setting the tone for similar future studies.
As is usual in political double-speak, the
Banking Secrecy Act was an act of legislation
intended to prevent, not preserve, banking secrecy.
It created four requirements that were supposed to
address the issue of money laundering: 1) A paper
trail of bank records had to be maintained for five
years. 2) A Currency Transaction Report (CTR)
had to be filed by banks and other financial
institutions for currency transactions greater than
$10,000. CTRs were filed with the IRS. 3) A
Currency or Monetary Instrument Report (CMIR)
had to be filed when currency or monetary
instruments greater than $5,000 were taken out of
the U.S. CMIRs were filed with the Customs
Service. 4) A Foreign Bank Account Report
(FBAR) had to filed whenever a person had an
account in a foreign bank greater than $5,000 in
value. (The latter two requirements have been
increased to $10,000.)
These reports mostly collected unread
during the 1970s. But that was to change with the
growth in computerized recordkeeping and artificial
intelligence processing, and with the escalation of
the "war on drugs." In the early 1980s, a Senate
staff study noted in alarm "what appears to be
otherwise ordinary Americans engaged in using
offshore facilities to facilitate tax fraud. These
cases signify that the illegal use of offshore
facilities has enveloped 'the man next door'--a trend
which forecasts severe consequences for the
country" [26].
The same report made a concerted effort to
draw connections between the eurodollar market
and criminal activity, noting "few banking
authorities address the issue of primary concern to
us here: criminal uses of Eurobanking." The focus
was not banking fraud or theft: "The most visible
and notorious aspect of offshore criminality
involves drug traffic." One of the report's many
recommendations was that the Treasury Department
should work with the "Federal Reserve Board to
develop a better understanding of the financial
significance and use of currency repatriation data as
well as information about foreign depositors'
currency deposits." Subsequently, Panama was
identified as the major banking center for the
cocaine trade, and Hong Kong as the major center
for the heroin trade, based largely on the amount of
U.S. dollars, including cash, being return to the
Federal Reserve by, respectively, the Banco
National de Panama and by Hong Kong-based
banks [27].
Thus, with that simple act, the Federal
Reserve Board was transformed from an institution
that watched over the currency to a co-conspirator
that watched over currency users.
Efforts were extended internationally to
trace cash movements. The Bank for International
Settlements (BIS) Code of Conduct (1984)
recommended a global version of the CRT.
Information from the global CRT was to be
processed by the OECD and shared with tax
authorities in all industrialized countries. The G-7
countries in 1989 agreed to form the Financial
Action Task Force (FATF), with staffing and
support to be provided by the OECD. FATF now
includes 26 governments. In May 1990, FATF
adopted forty recommendations on money
laundering countermeasures. These included
provisions that a global currency tracking system
(the global CRT proposed earlier by the BIS) be
created, that financial institutions be required to
report "suspicious transactions" to law enforcement
authorities, that global sting operations be used
against launderers, and that electronic money
movements, especially international wire transfers,
be monitored.
So better beware your banker: by law, he's a
snitch. Maybe even a government employee. In
one recent example of a global sting, government
officials set up a bank in the Caribbean (Anguilla),
and advertised their services in confidential
banking. They then turned all the information over
to tax authorities. Did you ever wonder why
uneducated people believe in international banking
conspiracies?
Money is a mechanism for making payment.
What we want from a payments mechanism is fast,
reliable (secure) service at a low cost. In current
technology that means that the payment mechanism
will be determined by transactions costs. Hence
money in a modern economy exists chiefly in the
form of electronic entries in computerized
recordkeeping systems or data bases. Money exists
as a number (e.g. 20) beside which is attached a
currency or country label (e.g. DM or BP or U.S.$)
and also an ownership label (e.g. "Deutsche Bank"
or "Microsoft" or "Jack Parsons"). Physical goods
are transported to different geographical locations,
but currencies by and large are not. This is true
both domestically and internationally. A bank in
London will sell British pounds to a bank in
Frankfurt for deutschemarks by having the
Frankfurt bank's name recorded as the new owner of
a pound deposit in London, while the London
bank's name is recorded as the new owner of a
deutschemark deposit in Frankfurt.
Payment between banks is made by an
exchange of electronic messages. The scope and
size of transactions mandates this type of payment
mechanism. The most important communications
network for international financial market
transactions is the Society for Worldwide Interbank
Financial Telecommunication (SWIFT), a Belgian
not-for-profit cooperative. This system for
transferring foreign exchange deposits and loans
began actual operation in May 1977 and by 1990
had 1,812 members, and connected 3,049 banks and
securities industry participants in eighty-four
countries. It carried an average of 1.1 million
messages per day. SWIFT messages are transmitted
from country to country via central, interconnected
operating centers located in Brussels, Amsterdam,
and Culpeper, Virginia. These three operating
centers are in turn connected by international data-
transmission lines to regional processors in most
member countries. Banks in an individual country
use the available national communication facilities
to send messages to the regional processor. A bank
in London, for example, will access SWIFT by
sending messages to a regional processing center in
the north of London [28]. The message will be
received by a bank in New York via the SWIFT
operating center in Culpeper, Virginia.
Within the U.S. the most important
communications-money-channels are Fedwire
and CHIPS. Eleven thousand depository
institutions have access to Fedwire, the electronic
network system of the Federal Reserve System.
(About a thousand of these access the system
through the New York Fed.) In 1991 an average of
$766 billion daily went through the net, of which
$435 billion involved the New York Fed. The
average size of a funds transfer was $3 million.
There were 258,000 average daily transfers.
The New York Clearing House Association
(twelve private commercial banks) operate the
Clearing House Interbank Payments System
(CHIPS) to settle foreign exchange and eurodollar
transactions. CHIPS connected 122 participants in
1991. On an average day $866 billion went through
the CHIPS network, with 150,000 average daily
transfers (or an average transfer size of about $5.7
million). Sometimes there are large fluctuations in
the level of payments. On January 21, 1992,
$1.5977 trillion went through the CHIPS system.
That is, the U.S. M1 money stock turned over
several times in a single day. The CHIPS system
maintains an account at the New York Fed. Much
of the nation's money flows through what is literally
an underground economy: the computer banks
located beneath 55 Water Street in Manhattan.
These systems, even the Fedwire system, did
not arise by centralized government planning. ". . .
it is historically accurate that the Fedwire system
evolved in almost a 'natural' manner; no one at the
Board or at a Reserve bank ever sat down and said
'let there be a wire transfer system.' Thus, Fedwire
can be regarded as an example of a market tendency
to evolve, over time, in an efficient manner" [29].
In Europe, banks have available
CEBAMAIL, a shared voice and data network
established by European central banks and later
expanded to other users. European banks also use
IBM's International Network and DIAL service to
communicate with the Bank for International
Settlements in Basle, Switzerland, and with each
other.
Money, then, is part of the worldwide
information superhighway (or infobahn). The
Clinton administration's proposal for a "National
Information Infrastructure" (NII) was announced in
1994: "All Americans have a stake in the
construction of an advanced National Information
Infrastructure (NII), a seamless web of
communications networks, computers, databases,
and consumer electronics that will put vast amounts
of information at users' fingertips. Development of
the NII can help unleash an information revolution
that will change forever the way people live, work,
and interact with each other" [30].
To be sure, the ensuing hype has made the
whole thing sound like more circuses to keep the
masses pacified and thirsty: 500 channels of MTV
with beer and Pepsi ads, and insurance salesmen
popping out of your home computer. But the
information revolution was already well underway,
and had been so for years. The real agenda for
government involvement was stated in the White
House Press release, April 16, 1993: "Sophisticated
encryption technology has been used for years to
protect electronic funds transfer. . . While
encryption technology can help Americans protect
business secrets and the unauthorized release of
personal information, it also can be used by
terrorists, drug dealers, and other criminals."
Now, in fact, almost all modern technology,
from can openers to automobiles, can be used by
terrorists, drugs dealers, and criminals (even the
thieves in the Justice Department who preside over
asset forfeitures). But what is special about
cryptography is that it threatens to slow or nullify
the effectiveness of government-sponsored
computer surveillance of individuals and private
business. To get a handle on this, let's brush up our
high school cryptography, which has probably
grown rusty from lack of use. Eager students can
read an exhaustive history of the subject written by
David Kahn [31], but we will only focus on the tail-
end, post-Kahnian part of the story, on something
called "public key cryptography" [32].
Public key cryptography relies on two
scrambling devices, called "keys", that have the
following relationship. There is a public key P and
a private key R. Suppose I write a sweet, sensitive
love letter, filled with spiritual values, genetic
imperatives, and sexual innuendo, to my current
flame Veronica. Let's refer to this letter as the
message M. I encrypt it with Veronica's public key P,
producing the encrypted message P(M). Anyone
looking at P(M) will only see a string of
meaningless symbols, gibberish. When Veronica
receives it, she will apply her private key R to the
encrypted message, producing R(P(M)) = M,
turning the apparent randomness into tears, joy, and
erotic fantasy.
The key pairs P and R must have the
relationship that for any message M, R(P(M)) = M.
In addition, it should be practically impossible for
anyone to determine M from P(M), without the
associated private key R. For any other private key
R', R'(P(M)) is not equal to M--it's still gibberish.
The key pairs P and R also have the commutative
relationship P(R(M)) = M: if you encrypt a
message with your private key R, then anyone can
decrypt it using your public key P.
Being able to send secure messages is one
function of public key cryptography. Another
function is authentication. Suppose you sent a
message M to Bill. He receives the
message M*. Bill doesn't know whether M* is
really from you; or, even if it is from you, whether it
has been altered in some way (that is, if the M* he
receives is the same as the M you sent). The
solution to this problem, using public key
cryptography, is that you also send Bill a digital
signature S along with the message M. Here is how
this authentication process works.
For simplicity, assume you don't even
encrypt the message to Bill. You just send him the
plain message M, saying "Dear Bill: You are wrong
and I am right. Here is why, blah blah blah [for a
few thousand words]." Then you just sign it by the
following procedure.
First you chop your message down to size,
to produce a (meaningless) condensed version,
where one size fits all. To do this, you need a
message chopper called a "hash function." You
apply the hash function H to the message M to
produce a "message digest" or "hash value" H(M)
which is 160 bits long. You then sign the hash
value H(M) with your own private key R, producing
the signature S = R(H(M)).
The receiver of the message, Bill, applies the
same hash function to the received message M* to
obtain its hash value H(M*). Bill then decrypts
your signature S, using your public key P, to obtain
P(S) = P(R(H(M))). He compares the two. If
H(M*) = P(R(H(M))), then he knows the message
has not been altered (that is, M* = M), and that you
sent the message. That's because the equality will
fail if either (1) the message was signed with some
other private key R', not yours, or if (2) the received
message M* was not the same as the message M
that was sent [33].
By some accident, of course, it could be that
Bill finds H(M*) = P(R(H(M))) even if the message
has been altered, or it is not from you. But the odds
of this happening are roughly 1 in 2^160, which is
vanishingly small; and even if this happens for one
message, it is not likely to happen with the next.
NSA is the U.S. intelligence agency located
in Ft. Mead, Maryland, which is responsible for
collecting electronic and signals intelligence.
Activities include monitoring the conversations of
foreign leaders, listening in on most international
communications (including financial transactions),
breaking codes, and setting the cryptological
standards for U.S. military and security agencies
[34]. In 1975 at the University of California at
Berkeley, I made a special trip over to the
employment office to see the NSA recruitment
posters. They were, after all, a novelty. Hardly
anyone knew the NSA ("No Such Agency") existed,
and the word was just getting around that
mathematicians could compete with physicists for
Defense Department largess.
A couple of years later, Bobby Inman
departed his post as head of Naval Intelligence,
from which vantage point he had leaked Watergate
revelations to Bob Woodward, to become head of
NSA. Soon thereafter, the NSA began harassing
certain mathematicians in the private sector,
claiming "sole authority to fund research in
cryptography" [35].
In those days such a monopoly was possible.
The computer culture was hierarchically structured
and mind-bogglingly pedantic. Peon programmers
produced a token 20 lines of code per day, which
allowed them plenty of time to attend "efficiency"
meetings. Systems analysts involved themselves in
busy work--creating elaborate flow charts to explain
self-evident routines. Only those who learned to toe
the line were allowed gradual access to better
equipment and more CPU time. NSA, meanwhile,
was one of the top markets for expensive,
sophisticated computer equipment. If you wanted to
be a cryptologist [36], you bit the bullet and bowed
to NSA and IBM.
The federal encryption standard for
unclassified government computer data and
communications, an encryption algorithm called
Lucifer, had been developed by IBM in the early
70s. It was later certified by a civilian agency, the
National Bureau of Standards (now NIST), as the
Data Encryption Standard (DES) in 1976. Unlike
public key cryptography which uses two keys
(either one of which may be used to encrypt, and the
other to decrypt), DES was a symmetric key system,
using a single key to both encrypt and decrypt.
Because of the single key, DES could be used for
encryption or authentication, but not both
simultaneously.
Through the American Bankers Association
and ANSI's Financial Institution Wholesale Security
Working Group, DES entered the banking world as
a method of encryption and message authentication
in electronic funds transfer. But for digital
signatures it made more sense to rely on public key
cryptography. And although the NIST began to
solicit public-key cryptographic algorithms in 1982,
nothing would be approved for another decade, so
both federal agencies and private organizations,
including banks, began to look to commercial
sources of digital signature technology. (They
basically settled on one called the Rivest-Shamir-
Adleman (RSA) system.)
Meanwhile, the anarchy of the personal
computer had been unleashed. The PC allowed one
person to be in charge of the entire software
development process. She could be hardware
technician, systems analyst, mathematician,
programmer, artist-in-residence, and general hell-
raiser rolled into one. Just as Gutenberg inspired
later generations to learn to read precisely because
they had, Pogo-like, acquired the ability to write, so
did the appearance of the microprocessor inspire a
generation of talented and creative people to absorb
themselves in computer-accentuated tasks which no
longer mandated interaction with a phalanx of
mandarins whose notion of Eros was a COBOL
routine to insert Tab A into Slot B. To be sure, the
PC was not powerful enough to break codes
(cryptanalysis), but it was a good enough tool for
creating cryptography software.
In 1984 Reagan's National Security Decision
Directive 145 (NSDD-145) shifted the
responsibility for certifying DES-based products to
NSA. Executive Order 12333 in 1980 had made the
Secretary of Defense the government's executive
agent for communications security, and NSDD-145
expanded this role to telecommunications and
information systems. The Director of NSA was
made responsible for the implementation of the
Secretary's responsibilites. In 1986 NSA created an
uproar by saying it would no longer endorse DES
products after 1988, and would substitute a new set
of incompatible, classified, hardware standards.
Banks and software vendors weren't happy with the
news because they had only recently invested
heavily in DES-based systems. But Congress
effectively rejected NSDD-145's federal computer
security plan by passing the Computer Security Act
of 1987, and DES was reaffirmed anyway (with the
NIST reinstated as the certifier of applications that
met the standard), and then affirmed again in 1993.
(The next DES review is scheduled for 1998.)
Changes in technology were creating both
new security concerns and spying opportunities. On
the one hand, a rank amateur with a scanner could
sit in his apartment and monitor his neighbors'
cordless and cellular telephone conversations. (After
all, if a signal makes it into your bedroom, you may
feel you have a right to tune it in.) On the other
hand, the NSA could in the same way make use of
the electromagnetic signals sent out by computer
hardware components. Unshielded cables act as
radio broadcast antennas. Related signals, especially
from the computer monitor and the computer's
CPU, are sent back down the AC power cord and
out into the building's electrical wiring. Signals may
also be transmitted directly into the phone line
through a computer modem (which isn't in use).
These frequencies can be tuned, so that what
appeared on one person's computer screen can be
displayed on an observer's screen a block away.
(There were no laws against monitoring computer
radiation then, and there are none now, so the NSA
can take the position that it is doing nothing illegal
by parking its monitoring vans in domestic spots in
New York, Chicago, San Francisco, and
Washington, D.C. [37].)
The erosion of the spying monopoly led to
the 1986 Electronic Communications Privacy Act
(ECPA) which prohibited phone and data-line
tapping--except, naturally, by law enforcement
agencies and employers. ECPA made cellular (but
not cordless) phone monitoring illegal. President
Bush would later sign a second law which
prohibited even the manufacture or import of
scanners that are capable of cellular monitoring.
But the latter law was nonsensical, since every
cellular phone is itself a scanner. In a
demonstration for a Congressional subcommittee, it
took a technician only three minutes to reprogram a
cellular phone's codes so that it could be used for
eavesdropping [38].
With the worldwide collapse of
Communism, federal agents quickly discovered a
new fount of terrorist activity: American teenagers,
hackers. The Secret Service crusade to conquer
children started when Congress passed the
Computer Fraud and Abuse Act in 1986, and
culminated in May 1990 with Operation Sundevil,
in which 42 computer systems were seized around
the country, along with 23,000 floppy disks.
One college-age hacker, Chris Goggans
(a.k.a. Eric Bloodaxe) upon receiving information
which led him to suspect the coming raid, went
home and (like any good host) cleaned and
vacuumed his apartment, placed little notes in
drawers ("Nope, nothing in here"; "Wrong, try
again"), and adorned his desk with brochures from
the local Federal Building--titles like How to
Become an FBI Agent, . . . Secret Service Agent, etc.
The raid came one morning while Goggans was in
bed. "Leading the pack is Special Agent Tim
Foley," Goggans recounts, "and he's got his service
revolver out, and he's got it pointed at me. He's a
pretty big guy and I'm me. . . . Hackers are a
notoriously violent group of people who are known
for their physical prowess, so guns are definitely
always necessary" [39 ].
Paranoia verged on the imbecilic. AT&T
Security found a description of 911 system
administration, called "E911," on one bulletin board
service. They claimed in court the theft of this
information was worth exactly $79,449, but the case
fell apart when the defense showed the same
information, with more technical details, about the
911 system was publicly available from AT&T for
the mere price of $13.
The FBI, meanwhile, was undergoing
culture shock. Telephone carrier signals were now
digital and multiplexed, so that any specific channel
might be interleaved among many others in a
continuous stream of bits which the FBI could no
longer access with only a pair of alligator clips. In
March 1992 the FBI proposed Digital Telephony
legislation (code-named in FBI documents
"Operation Root Canal") that would require private
industry to provide access ports in digital equipment
for the purpose of tapping specific conversations.
The FBI proposal didn't sit well with the
General Services Administration (GSA), the largest
purchaser of telecommunications equipment for the
U.S. government. GSA noted that the "proposed
bill would have to have the FCC or another agency
approve or reject new telephone equipment mainly
on the basis of whether the FBI has the capability to
wiretap it." So GSA opposed the legislation for
security reasons, noting it would "make it easier for
criminals, terrorists, foreign intelligence (spies) and
computer hackers to electronically penetrate the
public network and pry into areas previously not
open to snooping. This situation of easier access
due to new technology changes could therefore
affect national security" [40].
Ironically, the World Trade Center was
subsequently bombed by a group that was already
under FBI surveillance, so one could make a case
that voyeurism, not public security, was the real
intent of the proposed legislation [41]. The 1992
Digital Telephony proposal would have also given
the Justice Department the unilateral and exclusive
authority to enforce, grant exceptions, or waive
provisions of the law, or enforce it in Federal Court.
You know, the *Justice Department*: that splendid
collection of righteous lawyers, whose recent
triumphs include overseeing the slaughter of a
religious group in Waco, Texas [42], running a
software company into bankruptcy and
appropriating its software [43], and allegedly
manipulating the machinery of justice to cover
tracks left by financial thieves [44].
Now the Computer Security Act of 1987 had
authorized a U.S. government project to develop
standards for publicly-available cryptography. On
April 16, 1993 the Clinton Administration
announced two new controversial Federal
Information Processing Standards (FIPS) which
embodied Capstone's principal elements. These
were the Escrowed Encryption Standard (EES)--
a.k.a. "Clipper"--and the Digital Signature Standard
(DSS). All private companies doing business with
the government might be affected.
The EES was promulgated by the Clinton
Administration as a voluntary (for now, anyway)
alternative to the Data Encryption Standard (DES).
It involved a bulk data encryption algorithm called
Skipjack, which would be contained on a tamper-
resistant chip, called the Clipper Chip (or MYK-78).
The chip would be manufactured by VLSI Logic,
and programmed with the algorithms and keys by
Mykotronx at a facility in Torrance, California.
Each chip would contain a trapdoor that would
allow the government, using a two-part key (U =
U1+U2), each half deposited with a different escrow
agency, to decode any communications sent through
the chip [45].
Here is how the process works. (You can
skip this paragraph and the next one if you like.) In
addition to the Skipjack encryption algorithm, each
chip will contain a 80-bit family key F that is
common to all chips; a 30-bit serial number N; and
an 80-bit secret "unique" key U which can be used
to unlock all messages sent through the chip.
Suppose I have my secure device get in touch with
Veronica's secure device. The first thing that
happens is our two chips agree on a randomly
generated 80-bit symmetric session key K, which
will be used only for this one conversation. The
Clipper Chip takes our whispered message stream
M and encrypts it with K, using the Skipjack
algorithm, producing the encrypted message K(M).
Simple enough. But my chip also has other ideas.
As an entirely separate process, it also takes the
session key K and encrypts it with the secret key U,
producing U(K). Then it tacks the serial number N
on to the end of the encrypted session key, giving
the sandwich U(K)+N. Then it takes the family key
F and encrypts the sandwich, giving F[U(K)+N].
The encrypted sandwich, F[U(K)+N], is called the
LEAF, or "Law Enforcement Access Field." Both
my encrypted message K(M) and the LEAF,
F[U(K)+N], are sent out over the telephone line.
Veronica's chip receives both these, but mostly
ignores the LEAF. Her chip simply takes the
previously agreed session key K and uses it to
decrypt the encrypted message, yielding K[K(M)] =
M.
Now suppose Fred is a horny FBI agent who
wants to listen in on all this. He gets a warrant
(maybe), and has the phone company plug him into
the conversation. With his listening device, he
siphons off both my encrypted message K(M) and
the LEAF, F[U(K)+N]. As a member of the FBI he
is allowed to know the family key F, which he uses
to decrypt the LEAF, yielding the sandwich:
F{F[U(K)+N]} = U(K)+N. So now he knows the
serial number N. He then takes N along with his
warrant over to the first escrow agency, which gives
him half of the secret key, U1. He takes N with his
warrant over to the second escrow agency, which
gives him the other half, U2. He now knows the
secret key U = U1+U2. He uses U to decrypt the
encrypted session key: U[U(K)] = K. Now he
knows the session key K, which he uses to decrypt
my encrypted message: K[K(M)] = M. To his great
disappointment, he discovers I was only calling to
thank Veronica for the pepperoni and cheese pizza
she sent over.
Industry was urged to build the EES into
every type of communication device: computer
modem, telephone, fax, and set-top TV converter.
Of course to do so (surprise, surprise) will make a
product subject to State Department ITAR export
controls. But AT&T, at least, promptly popped the
Clipper Chip into the AT&T Security Telephone
Device 3600, which has a retail price of about
$1,100, because they had been "suitably
incentivised" (see below).
Another implementation of the ESS is the
Capstone Chip (Mykotronx MYK-80), which
includes Clipper's Skipjack algorithm, and adds to it
digital signature, hash, and key-change functions.
While Clipper is mostly intended for telephone
communication, Capstone is designed for data
communication. Finally there is Fortezza, which is a
PCMCIA card that contains a Capstone Chip.
Despite generating universally negative comments,
EES was approved by the Department of
Commerce as a federal standard in February 1994.
The details of the NSA-developed Skipjack
algorithm are classified. However, it uses 80-bit
keys and scrambles the data for 32 steps or rounds.
The earlier standard, DES, uses 56-bit keys and
scrambles the data for only 16 rounds. But the
secrecy of Skipjack removed some of its credibility.
People are confident in the security of DES, because
its details are public. Hence people have probed
DES over the years and failed to find any
weaknesses. The primary reason for Skipjack's
classification appears to be an attempt to prevent its
use without transmission of the associated LEAF
field.
An outside panel of expects concluded there
was no significant risk that messages encrypted with
the Skipjack algorithm would be breakable by
exhaustive search in the next 30 to 40 years. The
same cannot be said for the EES protocol as a
whole. Matthew Blaze, a researcher at AT&T
showed there are ways to corrupt the LEAF, so that
the session key K cannot be recovered, and hence
messages cannot be decrypted [46]. Of course if
you are sending data files, and not voice, you can
ignore the presence or absence of the Clipper Chip
altogether. Just encrypt your file with, say, Pretty
Good Privacy, before you send it through the
Clipper Chip. Thus your original message is an
already-encrypted file, and it won't matter if FBI
Fred reads it or not. But things are not so simple
with voice messages. So the first target for a
government ban is alternative encryption devices
for voice communication, particularly if the Clipper
Chip doesn't catch on. Which would be nothing
new: for years ham radio operators have been
prohibited from using encryption on the air.
The future of the EES may depend on the
coercive purchasing power of the U.S. government.
A memorandum prepared for the Acting Assistant
Secretary of Defense had noted a number of U.S.
computer industries objections to a trapdoor chip,
such as the Clipper Chip:
The second announced standard, DSS, uses
a digital signature algorithm (DSA) to authenticate
the source and validity of messages [48]. Digital
signatures are the equivalent of handwritten
signatures on legal documents. While there is yet
no body of case law dealing with the subject,
documents signed with proper digital signatures will
almost certainly be legally binding, both for
commercial use as defined in the Uniform
Commercial Code (UCC), and will probably also
have the same legal standard as handwritten
signatures.
The computer industry had generally wanted
the U.S. government to choose instead the RSA
algorithm, which was currently the most widely
used authentication algorithm. The banking and
financial services industry were using both the RSA
algorithm and a modified form of the DSA
algorithm [49].
As we saw previously, it is typically not the
entire message that is signed, but rather a condensed
form of it, a hash value. The hash function for the
DSS is the Secure Hash Standard (SHS), which
accepts a variable-size input (the message) and
returns a 160-bit string. SHS was adopted as a
government standard in 1993 [50].
That both EES and DSS were rushed forth in
an attempt to break the spread of good cryptography
in the private sector is acknowledged even by a
government agency, the Office of Technology
Assessment (OTA): "In OTA's view, both the EES
and the DSS are federal standards that are part of a
long-term control strategy intended to retard the
general availability of 'unbreakable' or 'hard to
break' cryptography within the United States, for
reasons of national security and law enforcement. It
appears that the EES is intended to complement the
DSS in this overall encryption-control strategy, by
discouraging future development and use of
encryption without built-in law enforcement access,
in favor of key-escrow encryption and related
technologies" [51].
Which brings us back to privacy and the
monetary system.
In 1993 SWIFT began asking users of its
messaging system to include a purpose of payment
in all messages, as well as payers, payees, and
intermediaries. This type of arrangement would
allow NSA computers to scan for any names in
which they were interested. To be sure,
$10,000,000 for the "Purchase of Plutonium" would
have been scanned for anyway. But now they can
search for "Hakim 'Bobby' Bey," because someone
has decided he's a terrorist. Or someone decided
they just don't like him, and so they claim he's a
terrorist.
In addition, proposals resurfaced for a two-
tier U.S. currency. When such a proposal was
rumored around 1970 during the slow breakdown of
the Bretton Woods agreement, the rumor was
dismissed as a paranoid fantasy. Recently the
proposal itself has been discussed on the Federal
Page of the Washington Post, which gives support
to the plan of "an expert on terrorism" (another
one?) to have two separate U.S. currencies, "new
greenbacks for domestic use and new 'redbacks' for
overseas use." The International Counterfeit
Deterrence Strike Force (an inter-agency working
group informally called the "Super-Bill
Committee") supports a revived 1989 DEA plan for
the forced conversion of "domestic" dollars into
"international" dollars by U.S. travelers at the
border, which would be re-exchanged on their
return [52].
While Customs deals with physical cash,
NSA is set to deal with the electronic variety. That
NSA has in some circumstances already monitored
international banking transactions since at least the
early 1980s seems evident from the inclusion of
detailed banking transactions between the
Panamanian branch of the Discount Bank and Trust
of Switzerland and a Cayman Islands bank in a
classified report to the Secretary of State during the
Reagan administration. The information in the
report seemingly could only have come from
electronic access to the bank's computerized
records. Some observers have speculated that a
bugged computer program, Inslaw's PROMIS, was
involved. This program, allegedly stolen from
Inslaw by the U.S. Department of Justice, was sold
to dozens of banks. (A federal bankruptcy judge
found that the Justice Department had purposefully
propelled Inslaw into bankruptcy in an effort to
steal the PROMIS software through "trickery, deceit
and fraud" [53].) The program was said to have
been altered in such a way to allow government
agencies trapdoor access into a bank's transaction
records [54].
The Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation
(FDIC) is the government corporation that insures
deposits at U.S. member banks. The FDIC
Improvement Act of 1991 required the FDIC to
study the costs and feasibility of tracking every
bank deposit in the U.S. The notion was it was
necessary to compute bank deposit insurance
requirements in real time. Not everyone thought
this was a good idea. The American Banker's
Association noted it was inconceivable that such
data would "be used only by the FDIC in deposit
insurance coverage functions." And even though the
FDIC itself argued against the proposal in its draft
report to Congress in June 1993, FinCEN used the
occasion to propose a "Deposit Tracking System"
(DTS) that would also track deposits to, or
withdrawals from, U.S. banks accounts in real time.
So advances in cryptography come face to
face with round-the-clock, round-the-border
surveillance.
F.A. Hayek argued for the denationalization
of money, an abolition of the government monopoly
over the money supply, and the institution of a
regime of competitive private issuers of currency
[55]. One reason was to stop the recurring bouts of
acute inflation and deflation that have become
accentuated over this century. Another reason was
to make it increasingly impossible for governments
to restrict the international movement of
individuals, money and capital, and thereby to
safeguard the ability of dissidents to escape
oppression. He said that "attempts by governments
to control the international movements of currency
and capital" is at present "the most serious threat not
only to a working international economy but also to
personal freedom; and it will remain a threat so long
as governments have the physical power to enforce
such controls."
Two decades ago, Hayek's proposal seemed
to have scant probability of ever coming about. No
longer.
Hayek's dream is about to be realized.
[1] The Principia Discordia, or How I Found
Goddess and What I Did to Her When I Found Her
was authored by Malaclypse the Younger (a
computer programmer named Greg Hill) and
recounts the visionary encounter he and Omar
Ravenhurst (Kerry Thornley) had with Eris, the
Goddess of Chaos, in an all-night bowling alley.
Kerry Thornley is also the author of Zenarchy as
well as a novel about Lee Harvey Oswald, whom
Kerry knew in the Marines. Some of the early
Erisian (Discordian) writings were mimeographed
at the office of Jim Garrison, the New Orleans
District Attorney, where a friend of Kerry's worked.
Principia Discordia may be found on the Internet at
the wiretap.spies.com gopher, in the directory
Electronic Books, filed under Malaclypse the
Younger. It and the other works mentioned in this
footnote are also available from Loompanics
Unlimited, P.O. Box 1197, Port Townsend, WA
98368. Phone: 206-385-2230, Fax: 206-385-7785.
[2] The NSA employee handbook notes:
"It is the policy of the National
Security Agency to prevent and
eliminate the improper use of drugs
by Agency employees and other
personnel associated with the
Agency. The term "drugs" includes
all controlled drugs or substances
identified and listed in the Controlled
Substances Act of 1970, as amended,
which includes but is not limited to:
narcotics, depressants, stimulants,
cocaine, hallucinogens and cannabis
(marijuana, hashish, and hashish oil).
The use of illegal drugs or the abuse
of prescription drugs by persons
employed by, assigned or detailed to
the Agency may adversely affect the
national security; may have a serious
damaging effect on the safety [of
yourself] and the safety of others;
and may lead to criminal
prosecution. Such use of drugs
either within or outside Agency
controlled facilities is prohibited."
A copy of this handbook may be found in the
hacker publication Phrack Magazine, No. 45, March
30, 1994, which is available on the Internet at
ftp.fc.net/pub/phrack.
[3] Governments have always been in the drug
business, and perhaps always will be. In earlier
times, governments attempted a monopoly on drugs,
sex, and religion. But in recent years the ungodly
have stopped paying tithes, so many governments
have gotten out of the religion business, and private
competition has forced them out of the sex business.
Of the big three, most governments are left with
only drugs, which explains why drugs are politically
more important than either sex or religion. Two
references on historical drug politics are Jack
Beeching, The Chinese Opium Wars, Harcourt
Bruce Jovanovich, New York, 1975, and Alfred W.
McCoy, Politics of Heroin: CIA Complicity in
the Global Drug Trade, Lawrence Hill Books, New
York, 1991. Two references on more recent U.S.
government involvement include the well-
documented book by Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan
Marshall,
Cocaine Politics: Drugs, Armies, and the CIA in Central America, The University of
California Press, Berkeley, 1991, and the less well
substantiated, but provocative, Compromised:
Clinton, Bush, and the CIA, by Terry Reed & John
Cummings, Shapolsky Publishers, New York, 1994.
[4] The following may be related, although no
charges have been filed. In 1987 Tallahassee police
traced an alleged child porn operation back to a
warehouse in Washington, D.C. The warehouse
was operated by a group called The Finders, whose
leader has an extensive background in intelligence.
Customs agents had information that was, according
to Customs and FBI documents posted on the
Internet by Wendell Minnick (author of Spies and
Provocateurs: A Worldwide Encyclopedia of
Persons Conducting Espionage and Covert Action,
1946-1991), "specific in describing 'blood rituals'
and sexual orgies involving children, and an as yet
unsolved murder in which the Finders may be
involved." The evidence included a telex which
"specifically ordered the purchase of two children in
Hong Kong to be arranged through a contact in the
Chinese Embassy there" and a photographic album.
"The album contained a series of photos of adults
and children dressed in white sheets participating in
a blood ritual. The ritual centered around the
execution of at least two goats. . . ." As the
investigation proceeded, the "CIA made one contact
and admitted to owning the Finders organization as
a front for a domestic computer training operation,
but that it had 'gone bad.' CIA defers all further
contacts to FCIA (Foreign Counter Intelligence
Agency). FCIA is distinct and autonomous
organization within FBI. . . . FCIA contacts
[Washington] MPD Intelligence and advised that all
reports regarding Finders are to be classified at the
Secret level. FCIA also advised that no information
was to be turned over to the FBI WFO [Washington
Field Office] for investigation, and that the WFO
would not be advised of the CIA or FCIA
involvement/contact."
I've since checked with all my programming
friends, but no one remembers seeing a computer
training film involving the sacrifice of goats.
[5] It is argued that the creation and distribution of
images of nude children should be prohibited, since
they might be used "for the purpose of sexual
stimulation or gratification of any individual who
may view such depiction" (Edward De Grazia, The
Big Chill: Censorship and the Law, Aperture, Fall
1990, page 50). Where I grew up, children
sometimes played naked. However, I guess in that
case rays of natural light seen by the human eye
underwent a mysterious transubstantiation that
turned the data into pastoral innocence before
digitized messages were sent to the brain. By
contrast, .gif files stored in a computer have not
undergone transubstantiation, and remain slimy
with evil inherited from the Original Snub.
[6] The Justice Department's Office of General
Counsel issued a legal opinion on the First
Amendment constitutionality of ITAR restrictions
on public cryptography on May 11, 1978. The
opinion--addressed to Dr. Frank Press, the Science
Adviser to the President--concluded: "It is our view
that the existing provisions of the ITAR are
Unconstitutional insofar as they establish a prior
restraint on disclosure of cryptographic ideas and
information developed by scientists and
mathematicians in the private sector." The ITAR
regulations are also referred to as Defense Trade
Regulations. See Department of State, Defense
Trade Regulations, 22 CFR 120-130, Office of
Defense Trade Controls, May 1992. The State
Department turns all cryptology decisions over to
NSA.
[7] Stewart A. Baker, "Don't Worry, Be Happy,"
Wired Magazine, June 1994.
[8] Remarks at Computers, Freedom and Privacy
Conference IV, Chicago, March 26, 1994.
[9] Denning, Dorothy E., "Encryption and Law
Enforcement," Georgetown University, February
21, 1994.
[10] Which explains, I guess, why I am no longer
able to get any smack with my pepperoni and
cheese.
[11] U.S. Department of State, Bureau of
International Narcotics Matters, International
Narcotics Control Strategy Report, U.S.
Government Printing Office, April 1994.
[12] Ibid.
[13] Kimery, Anthony L., "Big Brother Wants to
Look into Your Bank Account (Any Time It
Pleases)," Wired Magazine, December 1993.
[14] Chicago Tribune, January 20, 1995.
[15] Timothy C. May, "The Crypto Anarchist
Manifesto," September 1992.
[16] Steven B. Duke and Albert C. Gross, America's
Longest War: Rethinking Our Tragic Crusade
Against Drugs, Putnam, New York, 1993.
[17] Examples may be found in Steven Wisotsky,
Beyond the War on Drugs, Prometheus Books,
Buffalo, New York, 1990.
[18] John Powell and Ellen Hershenov, "Hostage to
the Drug War: The National Purse, The
Constitution, and the Black Community,"
University of California at Davis Law Review, 24,
1991.
[19] David B. Kopel, "Prison Blues: How
America's Foolish Sentencing Policies Endanger
Public Safety," Policy Analysis No. 208, Cato
Institute, Washington, D.C., May 17, 1994.
[20] Milton Friedman, "Open Letter to Bill Bennet,"
Wall Street Journal, September 7, 1989.
[21] Larry Keller, "Sheriff's Office Makes Own
Crack for Drug Stings," Fort Lauderdale News &
Sun Sentinel, April 18, 1989.
[22] The quote may be found on page 5 in Andrew
Schneider and Mary Pat Flaherty, Presumed Guilty:
The Law's Victims in the War on Drugs, reprinted
from The Pittsburgh Press, August 11-16, 1991.
[23] Melanie S. Tammen, "The Drug War vs. Land
Reform in Peru," Policy Analysis No. 156, Cato
Institute, Washington, D.C., July 10, 1991.
[24] Rensselaer W. Lee, The White Labyrinth:
Cocaine and Political Power, Transaction, New
Brunswick, NJ, 1989.
[25] House of Representatives, Banks Records and
Foreign Transactions concerning P.L. 95-508,
House Report 91-975, October 12, 1970.
[26] U.S. Senate Permanent Subcommittee on
Investigations, Crime and Secrecy: The Use of
Offshore Banks and Companies, U.S. Government
Printing Office, February 1983.
[27] President's Commission on Organized Crime,
The Cash Connection: Organized Crime, Financial
Institutions, and Money Laundering, U.S.
Government Printing Office, October 1984.
[28] Bank for International Settlements, Large
Value Funds Transfer Systems in the Group of Ten
Countries, May 1990.
[29] Ernest T. Patrikis, Thomas C. Baxter Jr., and
Raj K. Bhala, Wire Transfers: A Guide to U.S. and
International Laws Governing Funds Transfer,
Probus Publishing Company, Chicago, IL, 1993.
[30] The National Information Infrastructure:
Agenda for Action.
[31] David Kahn, The Codebreakers: The Story of
Secret Writing, Macmillan, New York, 1967.
[32] The best accessible book on the subject is
Bruce Schneier, Applied Cryptography, John Wiley
& Sons, New York, 1994.
[33] It could also fail for other reasons, such as a
signature garbled in transmission (solution: resend
it), or disagreement on the hash function (solution:
adopt a common standard, such as the Secure Hash
Standard, discussed later).
[34] The activities of the NSA were first
comprehensively surveyed in James Bamford, The
Puzzle Palace: a Report on NSA, America's Most
Secret Agency, Houghton Mifflin Company,
Boston, 1982.
[35] David Burnham, The Rise of the Computer
State, Random House, New York, 1983.
[36] Cryptology is divided into cryptography, the
art of secret writing (encryption), and cryptanalysis,
the art of code breaking. By analogy, thinking of
the world of banking divided into vault-keepers and
thieves.
[37] Computer Monitor Radiation (CMR) is
involved in the plot of Winn Schwartau's Terminal
Compromise, the best hacker novel available. A
freeware version, replete with misspellings and
other typos, under the filename termcomp.zip, is
available by ftp or gopher from many sites. One
location is ucselx.sdsu.edu/pub/doc/etext.
[38] Cindy Skrzycki, "Dark Side of the Data Age,"
Washington Post, May 3, 1993.
[39] Interviewed by Netta Gilboa in Gray Areas
Magazine. Interview reprinted in The Journal of
American Underground Computing, 1(7), January
17, 1995.
[40] Attachment to memo from Wm. R. Loy 5/5/92,
(O/F)-9C1h(2)(a)-File (#4A).
[41] I was a block away in a building with a view of
one of the World Trade Center towers when the
explosion occurred, but, along with all the Barclays
Precious Metals dealers, only found out about the
bomb when the news came across the Telerate
monitor a few minutes later.
[42] Not that there weren't good motives for the
operation. For example, the four BATF agents slain
in the attack on the Branch Davidians were all ex-
bodyguards for the Clinton presidential campaign,
and heaven knows we've already heard enough
revelations from Clinton's ex-bodyguards.
[43] INSLAW, discussed further below.
[44] The latter statement is speculation on my part,
and I have no evidence to back it up. I am certainly
not referring to the following alleged sequence of
events, cited by Nicholas A. Guarino ("Money,
Fraud, Drugs, and Sex," January 26, 1995): When
Madison Guaranty Savings and Loan folds, it is
somewhere between $47 and $68 million in the
hole. The tab is settled at $65 million. One of the
biggest debtors to Madison is a Madison director,
Seth Ward, who is the father-in-law of Webb
Hubbell. Webb is Hillary Clinton's former law
partner and afterward (until April 1994) Associate
Attorney General (the Number 3 position) at the
Justice Department, who gets assigned to
investigate Whitewater. But when the Resolution
Trust Corporation (RTC) takes over Madison
Guaranty Savings & Loans, Hillary has been on
retainer to Madison for many months. The RTC
brings suit to obtain $60 million from Madison
Guaranty's debtors. But Hillary negotiates the RTC
down from $60 million to $1 million. Hillary then
gets the RTC to forgive the $600,000 debt Seth
Ward owes the RTC, leaving the RTC with
$400,000 out of the original $60 million owed. But
(surprise) Hillary does this as the counsel for the
RTC, not Madison. Her fee for representing the
RTC? $400,000, which leaves the RTC with
nothing.
[45] Dorothy E. Denning, "The Clipper Encryption
System," American Scientist, 81(4), July/August
1993, 319-323. The NIST and the Treasury
Department's Automated Systems Division were
designated as the initial escrow agents.
[46] Matt Blaze, "Protocol Failure in the Escrowed
Encryption Standard," AT&T Bell Laboratories,
June 3, 1994.
[47] Ray Pollari, Memorandum for the Acting
Assistant Secretary of Defense (C31), April 30,
1993.
[48] National Institute of Standards and Technology
(NIST), The Digital Signature Standard, Proposal
and Discussion, Communications of the ACM,
35(7), July 1992, 36-54.
[49] American National Standards Institute,
American National Standard X9.30-199X: Public
Key Cryptography Using Irreversible Algorithms
for the Financial Services Industry: Part 1: The
Digital Signature Algorithm (DSA), American
Bankers Association, Washington, D.C., March 4,
1993.
[50] National Institute of Standards and Technology
(NIST), Secure Hash Standard (SHS), FIPS
Publication 180, May 11, 1993.
[51] Office of Technology Assessment (OTA),
Information Security and Privacy in Network
Environments, September 9, 1994.
[52] "TerrorDollars: Counterfeiters, Cartels and
Other Emerging Threats to America's Currency,"
Washington Post, March 6, 1994.
[53] Maggie Mahar, "Beneath Contempt Did the
Justice Dept. Deliberately Bankrupt INSLAW?,"
Barron's National Business and Financial Weekly,
March 21, 1988; and "Rogue Justice: Who and
What Were Behind the Vendetta Against
INSLAW?," Barron's National Business and
Financial Weekly, April 4, 1988; U.S. Congress,
Committee on the Judiciary, The Inslaw Affair,
House Report 102-857, September 10, 1992.
[54] Thompson's, Congress backs claims that spy
agencies bugged bank software, Thompson's
International Banking Regulator, Jan. 17, 1994.
[55] Hayek, Friedrich A. von, Denationalisation of
Money: An Analysis of the Theory and Practice of
Concurrent Currencies, The Institute of Economic
Affairs, Lancing, 1976.
First posted to the Internet February 1995.
© 1995 J. Orlin Grabbe, 1475 Terminal Way, Suite E, Reno, NV 89502.
It was bright lights and balmy action. Thomas
Constantine, the head of the U.S. Drug Enforcement
Administration (DEA), claimed we've entered a "new world
order of law enforcement" [1]. He meant the cooperation of
British, Italian, and Spanish authorities in setting up a fake
bank in Anguilla, in the Caribbean. It was a sting to trap
money launderers.
Like all pirate organizations, the group calculated
success by the amount of booty seized. And this cleverly
code-named "Operation Dinero" added $52 million, nine
tons of cocaine, and a number of paintings (including works
by Reynolds, Reuben, and Picasso) to official coffers. There
were also 88 arrests. In many ways it was a great scam in
classic DEA style: government officials got to keep the
goods, while taxpayers got to pay for the incarceration of up
to 88 people.
The British Foreign Office--those wacky guys who,
you will recall, conveniently released a barrage of
information about Nazis in Argentina at the outbreak of the
Falklands (Malvinas) war, and who also helped coordinate
Operation Dinero--have since made a propaganda video
about this official foray into fraudulent banking. Among
others it stars Tony Baldry, junior minister.
Be prepared for more of the same. The nine tons of
coke should enable the British Foreign Office and the nosy
DEA to burn the midnight oil for months to come, planning
other booty-gathering raids and video thrillers. After all, the
FATF report of 1990 encouraged international banking
stings like this one. But it isn't just the pseudo-bankers you
should worry about.
One of the precepts of the Church of the Subgenius
is: You will pay to know what you really think [2]. But in
the world of money-laundering, you will pay your thankless
banker to turn you in to the government. In 1993 a Federal
judge in Providence, Rhode Island, issued the longest
sentence ever given for a non-violent legal offense: he
sentenced a man to 600 years in prison for money
laundering. The individual was fingered by his Rhode Island
bankers, who then cooperated with federal agents in building
a case against him, even while the same bankers received
fees for banking services.
American Express was recently fined $7 million for
failing to detect money laundering, and agreed to forfeit to
the U.S. Justice Department another $7 million. As part of
the settlement, the bank will spend a further $3 million in
employee education, teaching them recommended
procedures for spying on customer transactions.
In a book about banker Edmond Safra [3], author
Bryan Burrough notes: "To truly defeat money launderers,
banks must know not only their own customers--by no
means an easy task--but their customers' customers, and in
many cases their customers' customers' customers." (p. x).
And then, as part of an argument clearing Safra's Republic
National Bank of money laundering charges, Burrough
recounts how he visited the office of the Financial Crimes
Enforcement Network (FinCEN) and talked with one of its
top officials. The official said that, on the contrary, Republic
had made "some solid suggestions about new ways the
government could track dirty money" (p. xii).
Most have still not gotten the message that their
banker is a spy. They are still stuck in yesterday's world,
where legislation like the Right to Financial Privacy Act of
1978 allowed banks, on the one hand, to monitor their own
records and inform the government when there were
suspicious transactions in an account. On the other hand, the
bank was prohibited from identifying either the account
number or the account's owner. But the Privacy Act was
effectively gutted by the Annunzio-Wylie Anti-Money
Laundering Act of 1992, which gives protection from civil
liability to any financial institution, director, officer or
employee who makes a suspicious transaction report under
any federal, state or local law. The latter Act essentially
implies banks can reveal to the government any information
they want to about their customers, without fear of
prosecution. [4]
There's a specter haunting the international financial
markets: the specter of crime by nomenclature, by
theological semantics. To be sure, the faceless piece of
transaction information that makes money "money"--a useful
medium of exchange, whereby we exchange everything for
it, and avoid the direct bartering of wheelbarrows for
oranges--has been under attack before. The 60s brought us
"euro"-dollars, and the 70s "petro"-dollars. Now we have
"narco"-dollars, "terror"-dollars, and (who knows?) maybe
"kiddie-porn"-dollars. For some of the data bits stored in
banks' computers comprise "clean" money and others "dirty"
money, the latter legalistically smitten with original sin.
As Yoga Berra might say, it's digital voodoo, all over
again.
Since the governmental powers that be can't do much
about drug-dealing or terrorism--if only because they
themselves are the chief drug dealers and the chief terrorists-
-they have transferred these and other (often alleged) sins to
the money supply. And since every dollar is a potential
"narco" dollar or "terror" dollar, they must track each one as
best they can [5]. The fact that monetary monitoring has
done nothing to diminish either drug-dealing or terrorism is
treated of no importance, because it's all part of a larger
game. All the players can easily see that this same financial
tracking yields political side benefits in the form of social
control and government revenue enhancement.
Anyone who has studied the evolution of money-
laundering statutes in the U.S. and elsewhere will realize that
the "crime" of money laundering boils down to a single,
basic prohibited act: Doing something and not telling the
government about it. But since the real Big-Brotherly
motive is a Thing That Cannot Be Named, the laws are
bogged down in prolix circumlocution, forming a hodge-
podge of lawyerly fingers inserted here and there into the
financial channels of the monetary system.
U.S. legislation includes the Bank Secrecy Act of
1970, the Comprehensive Crime Control Act of 1984, the
Money Laundering Control Act of 1986, the Anti-Drug
Abuse Act of 1988, the Annunzio-Wylie Anti-Money
Laundering Act of 1992, and the Money Laundering
Suppression Act of 1994. International efforts include the
UN Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and
Psychotropic Substances of 1988; the Basle Committee on
Banking Regulations and Supervisory Practices Statement of
Principles of December 1988; the Financial Action Task
Force (FATF) Report of April, 1990 (with its forty
recommendations for action); the Council of Europe
Convention on Laundering, Search, Seizure and Confiscation
of Proceeds of Crime of September 8, 1990; the sixty-one
recommendations of the Caribbean Drug Money Laundering
Conference of June, 1990; the agreement on EC legislation
by the European Community's Ministers for Economy and
Finance of December 17, 1990; the Organization of
American States Model Regulations on Crimes Related to
Laundering of Property and Proceeds Related to Drug
Trafficking of March 1992; and a tangled bouillabaisse of
Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties (MLATs).
"Most economically motivated criminals always have
wanted to appear legitimate," says attorney Kirk Munroe.
"What is new is the criminalization of money laundering.
The process itself now is a crime separate from the crime that
produced the money" [6].
Money laundering is said to be the "process by which
one conceals the existence, illegal source, or illegal
application of income, and then disguises that income to
make it appear legitimate" (emphasis added) [7]. Notice the
word "existence." The sentence could be construed to mean
that simply disguising the existence of income is money
laundering. But whatever money laundering is, in practice
U.S. law purports to detect it through the mandatory
reporting of cash transactions greater than or equal to a
threshold amount of US$10,000. For countries in Europe
the figure ranges from ECU 7,200 to 16,000.
In the U.S., Section 5313 of the Banking Secrecy Act
(BSA) requires a Currency Transaction Report (CTR) of
cash deposits or transactions of $10,000 and above, which is
IRS Form 4789, and a Currency Transaction Report by
Casinos (CTRC), which is IRS Form 8362. Section 5316 of BSA also requires a Currency or Monetary Instrument
Report (CMIR) for transport of $10,000 or more of currency
in or out of the U.S. This is Customs Form 4790. Section
5314(a) of BSA requires reporting of foreign bank or
financial accounts whose value exceeds $10,000 at any time
during the preceding year. This is called a Foreign Bank
Account Report (FBAR) and is Treasury form TDR 90-22-1.
Section 60501 of the IRS Code requires the reporting of
business transactions involving more than $10,000 cash.
These are reported on IRS Form 8300.
Suppose you're an arms dealer in trouble and need a
criminal lawyer. You've violated those pesky ITAR
restrictions because you carried a copy of PGP on your
portable computer when you drove over to Matamoros from
Brownsville for the day, and you forgot to fill out those
customs forms, and that girl you met said she just had to
set up a secure channel to her cousin who works in Washington,
D.C., as an undocumented maid for a potential Cabinet
nominee . . . The lawyer charges a modest $200 an hour, so
the first month you pay him $7,000 in cash. The next month
you pay him $4,000 in cash. Under current U.S. law, the
lawyer is required to report complete information about you,
including the $11,000 total cash payment, on IRS Form
8300, and ship it off to the IRS Computing Center in Detroit,
Michigan, within fifteen days of receiving the second
payment (which put the total above the reporting threshold).
Never mind if either you or your lawyer thinks filing such a
form violates attorney-client privilege, the Sixth Amendment
right to counsel, or the Fifth Amendment right to be free
from self-incrimination. For if the report is not made, and
the IRS finds out about it and penalizes and/or prosecutes
your lawyer, the courts will most probably back up the IRS.
[8]
The scope and arrogance of the money-laundering
statutes knows no bounds. The Kerry Amendment to the
Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1988 demands that foreign nations
must also require financial institutions to report deposits of
US$10,000 or greater, and to make this information available
to US law enforcement. Otherwise the President is directed
to impose sanctions against non-cooperative countries. [9]
Having extended the concept of evil to a vaguely
defined practice called "money laundering," and having put
in a detection system to help trace it, the laws have
proceeded to make evasion of the monitoring system evil
also. This tertiary evil may be found in the practice of
"smurfing" or "structuring," which is basically any method of
spreading cash among accounts or across time to avoid the
$10,000 reporting threshold. Structuring is defined in a 1991
amendment to the Bank Secrecy Act thusly: "Structure
(structuring). . . . a person structures a transaction if that
person, acting alone, or in conjunction with, or on behalf of
other persons, conducts or attempts to conduct one or more
transactions in currency in any amount, at one or more
financial institutions, on one or more days in any manner, for
the purpose of evading the reporting requirements . . . 'In any
manner' includes, but is not limited to, the breaking down of
a single sum of currency exceeding $10,000 into smaller
sums, including sums at or below $10,000, or the conduct of
a transaction or series of transactions, including transactions
at or below $10,000. The transaction or transactions need
not exceed the $10,000 reporting threshold at any single
financial institution on any single day in order to constitute
structuring within the meaning of this definition" [10].
And what does the government do with the
information it collects? When your lawyer's Form 8300
reaches the IRS Computing Center in Detroit, it will be
entered into the Treasury Financial Data Base (TFDB).
Similarly, if you cross a U.S. border with more than $10,000
cash, you will fill out Customs Form 4790. This form will
be sent off to customs' San Diego Data Center, and it too will
eventually show up in TFDB. These and other forms will
now be available on-line in the Treasury Enforcement
Communications System (TECS II). The TFDB data will
also be processed through the FinCEN Artificial Intelligence
(AI) System, which is trained to identify suspicious
transaction patterns.
So when you deal in cash, expect to give a note to the
government, a crumb to the friendly FinCEN AI. But AI has
a voracious appetite, so the reporting doesn't stop with cash.
The heart of any modern monetary system is the digital
transfer of electronic money through the telecommunication
links among bank computers. Internationally, banks are
connected by a computer messaging system operated by the
Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial
Telecommunication (SWIFT). Domestically, banks within a
country use equivalents of the U.S. clearing systems operated
by the Federal Reserve (Fedwire) and the Clearing House
Interbank Payments System (CHIPS). A Federal Reserve
Policy Statement of December 23, 1992 asks financial
institutions to include (if possible) complete information on
the sender and recipient of large payment orders sent through
Fedwire, CHIPS and SWIFT. "Historically, law enforcement
efforts to curtail money laundering activities have focused on
the identification and documentation of currency-based
transactions; however, recent investigations have focused on
the use of funds transfer systems," the statement notes.
The focus on funds transfer brings in the resources of
the U.S. National Security Agency (NSA). The NSA has
been monitoring civilian communications ever since it
installed IBM computers at Menwith Hill in the U.K. in the
early 60s to keep track of international telex messages. NSA
tentacles are now ensconced not only in transatlantic
communications, but also in Pacific satellite transmissions,
the regional Bell System offices, the SWIFT messaging
system, the CHIPS clearing computers in Manhattan, and
Fedwire. In addition, a satellite surveillance system picks up
high frequency transmissions of specially constructed
computer chips which are activated by certain types of
transactions-oriented financial software. U.S. agencies are
not alone in financial monitoring. As a trivial additional
example, the Council of Europe has recommended Interpol
be given access to SWIFT to assist in money-laundering
detection [11].
When they hear the term "money laundering," many
automatically think of Miami, London, Hong Kong, or
Panama City. How about Arkansas? According to what
Money Laundering Bulletin calls The Greatest Story Never
Told, an "archive of more than 2000 documents . . . allege
that western Arkansas was a centre of international drug
smuggling in the early 1980s--perhaps even the headquarters
of the biggest drug trafficking operation of all time" [12].
Perhaps that is why it was in Arkansas that modifications
were made to the stolen PROMIS software system to enable
it to spy on banking transactions. For where there are drugs,
there must be money laundering, or so one can suppose.
Curiously, however, some of the same set of characters were
apparently involved on all sides: in drug running, money
laundering, and also in the theft and modification of the
PROMIS system. (I will leave it to someone with more
money, guns, and lawyers than I have to bring that part of the
story to light, and will not pursue it further here.)
The PROMIS software was created by the
Washington, D.C.-based software company Inslaw for a
single purpose: to track people. It was initially designed for
the use of federal prosecutors. Want to know who the judge
was on a particular case? Ask PROMIS. Now want to know
all the similar cases that same judge has heard? Ask
PROMIS again. How about all the accused money launderers
a particular attorney has defended? And so on. But after the
Justice Department acquired the PROMIS software by
"trickery, deceit, and fraud," and installed it in most of its
regional offices, the system was modified and sold to
foreign intelligence organizations, then modified again and
sold to banks.
To see the relationship among these different uses,
apparently diverse as they may appear, consider the
following items of information about Joe Blowup who lives
in Sacramento:
Who might be interested in this computer-sorted
chronology?
Firstly, anyone wanting to track Joe Blowup's
movements. He was in San Francisco on Monday and in
Barstow on Wednesday. The sequence also generates
obvious questions for further investigation. Did he meet
Pierre in Barstow and give him the check there, or did he
drive on to Los Angeles? What is the check payment for?
And who did Joe Blowup have lunch with in San Francisco?
In order to generate relevant questions like these, federal
agents, spies, and other detectives all want a copy of this neat
software.
Secondly, banks and other financial institutions.
Notice that, in fact, most of the information is financial.
That's because financial institutions keep carefully detailed
transaction records, and over the years they've become
increasingly sophisticated in doing so. There is nothing
nefarious in this per se. If I go to a bank to get a loan, the
bank has a right to make an evaluation as to whether I will
repay it. They are principally concerned with 1) ability to
pay, and 2) willingness to pay--and to make this evaluation,
they rely on current and historical information. In the
example here, none of the items is of interest to banks,
unless that accident in Barstow created a financial liability
which would affect Joe Blowup's ability to repay other loans.
But if the (modified) PROMIS software organizes banking
transactions in a nice way, then banks want a copy of it also.
Thirdly, tax authorities. Do Joe Blowup's financial
records indicate a pattern of rather more income than he has
been reporting? Or, in the case of doubt (and this is the fun
part), is there a record of assets the IRS can seize in the
meantime? The IRS wants a copy of the software so they
can better understand Joe Blowup's--and your--spending
patterns, even though present IRS files already put private
credit bureaus like TRW and Equifax to shame.
In the decade of the 1980s, intelligence organizations
around the world salivated over the ability of the PROMIS
software to track terrorists, spies, political opponents, and
attractive models. Aside from distribution to almost all the
U.S. three-letter agencies, PROMIS was sold to intelligence
organizations in Canada, Israel, Singapore, Iraq, Egypt,
and Jordan among others. In addition, the DEA, through its
proprietary company, Eurame Trading Company Ltd. in
Nicosia, Cyprus, is said to have sold PROMIS to drug
warrior agencies in Cyprus, Pakistan, Syria, Kuwait, and
Turkey. PROMIS was also converted for use by the British
Navy in connection with its nuclear submarine intelligence
data base. [13]
But there was more to these sales than the simple
desire of the cronies of Ed Meese and Hillary Clinton to
make a fast buck, important as the latter motive may be. The
sale was itself an intelligence operation. As former Attorney
General Elliot Richardson noted, "One important motive for
the theft of Enhanced PROMIS may have been to use it as a
means of penetrating the intelligence and law enforcement
agencies of other governments. The first step in this scheme
was the sale to the foreign government of a computer into
which had been inserted a microchip capable of transmitting
to a U.S. surveillance system the electronic signals emitted
by the computer when in use. Enhanced PROMIS has
capabilities that make it ideally suited to tracking the
activities of a spy network. Several INSLAW informants
formerly affiliated with United States and Israeli intelligence
agencies claim that both the United States and Israel have
relied on 'cutout' companies to provide ongoing support for
the PROMIS software" [14]. Of course, what can be done
with foreign intelligence computers can also be done with
banking computers, and at least one of these "cutout
companies" is a major provider of banking software. [15]
All of these efforts--the legal reporting mechanisms,
the spying by bankers, and the supplementary activities of
organizations like FinCEN, NSA and Interpol--fly in the face
of a contrary technological and social development:
anonymous digital cash made possible by advances in
cryptology.
The principal opponents of any contemplated system
of encrypted digital cash are the money-laundering laws and
the Leviathan that feeds off them. The edicts against money-
laundering represent a broader attempt to make all financial
transactions transparent, while the aim of anonymous digital
cash is to keep financial activities private. People-monitoring
systems such as those utilizing PROMIS track individuals by
the electronic trails they leave throughout the financial
system. But anonymous digital cash is specifically designed
to make such tracks virtually invisible.
Money laundering, Barry A. K. Rider frankly offers
as a definition, "amounts to a process which obscures the
origin of money and its source" [16]. On that basis, the
pursuit of anonymity in financial transactions is money
laundering.
At the beginning of the 90s, money laundering was
an offense in only four states of the (then) twelve members
of the European Union. Now all twelve have a law making it
a crime. In a scramble to justify continued large budgets,
intelligence organizations have hopped on the anti-money-
laundering bandwagon. The U.K. intelligence service MI5,
in an attempt "to justify its existence after reviewing its
future in the light of a probable reduction in counter-terrorist
operations in Northern Ireland," has been "pressing for a
change in the law which would see it involved in countering
drug-trafficking, money laundering, computer hacking,
nuclear proliferation and animal rights groups--a far cry, say
police, from its original remit to 'protect national security' "
[17]. Even accountants are getting in on the act. The
Institute of Chartered Accountants in Australia has issued "a
set of guidelines on money laundering, including a
recommendation that client confidentiality take second place
to public interest if an accountant suspects laundering is
occurring" [18].
So the coming battle over financial footprints is
inevitable, and perhaps inevitably bloody. But in the end it
is the money-laundering regulations that will have to go.
Firstly, advances in the technology of anonymity are putting
financial privacy within the reach of everyone. Secondly,
there is a growing awareness that the existing laundering
statutes have little or no effect on terrorism or drug dealing,
but instead are related to an upswing in government-
sponsored harassment of targeted political groups.
Many of the basic features of electronic cash--
variously referred to as "ecash", "digital cash", "digital
money", and so on--may sound novel to those unfamiliar
with the financial markets. But much of the financial system
is already on an electronic basis, and has been so for years.
To see why, consider the foreign exchange market
[19]. This is a largely interbank market for trading the
currency of one country for the currency of another: dollars
for pounds, dollars for yen, and so on. But if I, as an
interbank trader, sell U.S. dollars for British pounds, what
are the actual logistics of the transfer? Consider the problems
that would be imposed by a cash-based market. The standard
transaction size in the foreign exchange market is an amount
of currency equivalent to US $1 million. A US $20 bill
weighs about 1 gram. So, if transacted in cash, the
$1,000,000 (50,000 bills) would weight approximately 50
kilograms or 110 pounds. Imagine the cost involved in such
a transaction if in order to sell dollars for pounds I had to fill
up a suitcase with $20 bills, lug the 110-pound suitcase to a
Manhattan taxi, take a long ride to Kennedy Airport, fill out
a CMIR form and check my baggage, arrive at Heathrow
seven hours later, retrieve my baggage, go through customs,
and catch a cab to the appropriate British bank in central
London. Once there I would pick up the equivalent in
pounds sterling and reverse the whole process.
There's a problem with this scenario: transactions
costs. Anyone trying to change dollars into pounds will go
to some other bank where he doesn't have to pay for my
plane tickets and cab fares, not to mention my courier salary
and that lunch I had at the Savoy before I headed back to
New York.
(In the present markets for cocaine and heroin it is
hard to reduce transactions costs, because the weight of the
drugs is less than the weight of the cash proceeds. In the
early 80s, cash bills were actually loaded into suitcases and
moved around. To save time and money, however, the cash
wasn't counted. After a spot check of bills for denomination
and authenticity, the suitcases were simply weighed to
determined the total value. This measurement was accurate
to within a few dollars--close enough. But foreign exchange
trading isn't illegal and doesn't, and can't, happen this way.)
To see how international money transfers really
work, consider the case of a Greek immigrant, who has
opened a restaurant in Boston, has made a little money, and
wants to send some cash to the folks back home. In earlier
days he probably would have gone down to the Western
Union office and handed the attendant cash to "wire" to his
mother in Athens. The Western Union office in Boston
would put the cash in its safe, or perhaps deposit it in a
Boston bank, and would meanwhile send a message to the
Athens office: "Give so-and-so X dollars" (or, more likely,
"Y drachmas"). That is, the cash received was not the same
as the cash sent. All that was sent was a message. But no
one cared, because cash itself is fungible: the dollar that
is taken out is interchangeable with, but not the same as, the
dollar that was put in. The bills are also not registered:
no particular name is associated with any particular serial
number.
In this example, bills were put into the safe at one end
of the transaction, and different bills were taken out at the
other. Consider now a slight modification to this scenario:
Eurobond trading. Eurobonds are generally placed in the
depository systems operated by Euroclear in Brussels or
Cedel in Luxembourg. Once bonds are in the vault, they
generally stay there, because of transactions costs. If a trader
in Frankfurt sells a GM eurobond with a coupon of 7 1/8
percent and maturing in 2012 to a trader in London, they
both send messages to Euroclear. Euroclear compares the
two set of instructions, checks the cash balance of the
London trader, then switches the computer label of
ownership of the bond to the London trader, and the
ownership of the requisite cash to the Frankfurt trader.
Again, however, the bonds are not registered, and are
fungible within the parameters of a particular issue. There
may be several thousand GM eurobonds with a coupon of 7
1/8 percent and maturing in 2012, and the London trader
owns one of them, but his ownership is not attached to a
particular bond serial number. [20]
This is pretty much the way the foreign exchange
market works. If a New York bank deals dollars for
deutschemarks with a London bank, they send each other
confirmations through SWIFT. Then the New York bank
will turn over a dollar deposit in New York to the London
bank, while the London bank will turn over a deutschemark
deposit in Frankfurt to the New York bank. The Frankfurt
bank simply switches the name of the owner of the
deutschemarks from the London bank to the New York bank.
The New York bank now owns X-number of fungible,
unregistered (but completely traceable) deutschemarks at the
Frankfurt bank.
"I remember my shock when I learned that the fastest
way for two banks in Hong Kong to settle a dollar
transaction was to wire the money from Hong Kong to New
York and back again," said Manhattan assistant district
attorney John Moscow [21]. He was shocked because he
didn't understand how the process works. The "wired"
dollars were sitting in New York all along as numbers in a
bank computer, originally labeled as owned by the first Hong
Kong bank. After the transaction is completed, they are still
in the same place, but labeled as owned by the second Hong
Kong bank. There is nothing mysterious about this at all.
Now let's modify the basic scenario again: Yankee
bond trading. Yankee bonds are dollar-denominated bonds
issued by non-U.S. citizens in the U.S. bond market. Yankee
bonds are registered. If you buy a bond, your name is
attached to a particular bond with a particular serial number.
If someone steals the bond, he will not be able to receive
interest or principal, because his name is not attached to the
bond serial number. So when Yankee bonds are traded, the
seller's name is removed from the serial number of the bond
being sold, and the buyer's name is attached.
To this point we have talked about things that
potentially exist in physical form. I can take a bond out of
the vault, or I can cash in my electronic deutschemarks for
printed bills. The final modification to these various
scenarios is to get rid of the physical paper entirely. Such
purely electronic creatures already exist: U.S. Treasury bills-
-short-term debt instruments issued by the U.S. government.
You buy, for example, a $10,000 T-bill at a discount, and it
pays $10,000 at maturity. But you don't see printed T-bill
certificates, because there aren't any. T-bills are electronic
entries in the books of the Federal Reserve System. You can
trade your T-bill to someone else by having the Fed change
the name of the owner, but you can't stuff one in your pocket.
You can "wire" your T-bill from one bank to another,
because the "wire" is just a message that tells the Federal
Reserve bank to switch the name of the owner from one
commercial bank to another.
In the previous section we saw that most of the
financial system is already on an electronic basis. And we
understand that "wiring" money doesn't at all correspond to
the mental image of stuffing bills down an electrical wire or
phone line. To bring this story closer to home, let's consider
how most of us use a computer and a modem on a daily basis
to make financial transactions. Even if we don't own a
computer. Or a modem. Let's talk about smart and dumb
cards--ATM cards, credit cards, phone cards, and much
more.
Some "smart cards" have microprocessors and are
actually smart (and relatively expensive). They are really
computers, but missing a keyboard, video screen, and power
supply. Others, such as laser optical cards and magnetic
stripe cards, are chipless and only semi-smart.
Laser optical cards are popular in Japan, and can hold
up to 4 megabytes of data--enough for your tax and medical
files and extensive genealogical information besides. The
cards are a sandwich, usually a highly reflective layer on top
of a nonreflective layer. A laser beam is used to punch holes
through the reflective layer, exposing the nonreflective layer
underneath. The presence or absence of holes represents bits
of information. A much weaker laser beam is then used to
read the card data. You can later mark a file of information
as deleted, or turn it into gibberish, but you can't reuse the
area on the card.
Magnetic stripe cards, popular everywhere, doesn't
hold much information. An ATM card is one example. Data
is recorded on the magnetic stripe on the back of the card
similar to the way an audio tape is recorded. There are three
tracks--the first of which is reserved for airline ticketing [22].
This track holds up to 79 alphanumeric characters including
your name and personal account number (PAN). The ATM
doesn't actually use the first track for transactions, but it may
read off your name, as when it says, "Thank you, Joe
Blowup, for allowing me to serve you." The second track
contains up to 40 numerical digits, of which the first 19 are
reserved for your PAN, which is followed by the expiration
date. The third track will hold 107 numerical digits, starting
again with your PAN, and perhaps information related to
your PIN (personal identification number, or "secret
password"), along with other information, all of which
potentially gets rewritten every time the track is used.
The ATM machine into which you insert your card is
itself a computer. The ATM typically has both hard and
floppy drives, a PC mother-board which contains the
microprocessor, and a power supply--as well as drawers for
deposits, cash, and swallowed cards. If the ATM is "on-line"
(i.e. one that is connected to a distant central bank computer,
which makes all the real decisions), then it also has a modem
to communicate over phone lines with the central computer.
When you make a request for cash, the ATM machine
compares your password to the one you entered. If they are
the same, it then takes your request and your PAN, encrypts
(hopefully) the information, and sends it on to the central
computer. The central computer decrypts the message, looks
at your account information, and sends an encrypted message
back to the ATM, telling it to dispense money, refuse the
transaction, or eat your card.
In between the ATM and the authorizing bank is
usually a controller, which services several ATMs. The
controller monitors the transaction, and routes the message
to the correct authorization processor (bank computer).
Some transactions, for example, will involve banks in
different ATM networks, and the transaction will have to be
transferred to a different network for approval. The
controller would also generally monitor the status of the
different physical devices in the ATM--to see that they are
operating properly and that the ATM is not being
burglarized.
Consider some of the security problems in this
framework. The first duty of the local ATM is to verify
you've entered the correct PIN. A typical way of doing this is
to recreate your PIN from your card information and then to
compare it to the one you entered.
Here is a general example of how PINs are created
(there are many variations). The bank first chooses a secret
16-digit "PIN key" (PKEY). This key will be stored in the
ATM's hardware. The PKEY is then used as a DES-
encryption key to encrypt 16-digits of your account number,
which the ATM reads off your card. The result of the
encryption is a 16-digit hexadecimal (base 16) number.
Hexadecimal numbers uses the digits 0 to 9 and also the
letters A to F (the latter standing for the decimal numbers 10
to 15). Next a table is used to turn the 16-digit hexadecimal
number back into a 16-digit decimal number [23]. The first
four numbers of the resulting 16-digit number are the
"natural PIN". (If you are allowed to choose your own PIN,
a four digit "offset" number is created, and stored on the
third track of your ATM card. This offset will be added to
the natural PIN before it is compared to the one you entered
at the ATM keyboard.)
Since this comparison between the natural and
entered PIN is done locally in the ATM hardware, the
customer's PIN is not transmitted over phone lines. This
makes the process relatively more secure, assuming no one
knows the PKEY. But if an evil programmer knows the
PKEY, he can create a valid PIN from any customer's
account number. (Customer account numbers can be found
by the hundreds on discarded transaction slips in the trash
bin.) He can easily and quickly loot the ATM of its cash
contents.
The security problems worsen when the ATM gets a
"foreign" card. A foreign card is essentially any card from
any bank other than the one that runs the ATM. The local
ATM does not know the PKEYs of these other banks, so the
PIN which is entered at the ATM must be passed on to a
bank that can authorize the transaction. In this process, the
account number and PIN will be encrypted with a
communication key (COMKEY), and then passed from the
ATM to the ATM controller. Next the account number and
PIN will be decrypted at the controller, and then re-encrypted
with a network key (NETKEY) and sent on to the proper
bank.
Foreign PINs give the evil programmer three
additional possibilities for defeating security. The first way
is to get hold of the COMKEY. He then taps the line
between the ATM and the controller, and siphons off
account number/PIN pairs. A second possibility is to get
access to the controller, because the account number/PIN
pairs may be temporarily in the clear between encryptions.
The third possibility is to obtain the NETKEY, and tap the
line between the controller and the foreign network. [24]
The COMKEY and NETKEY are generally
transmitted over phone lines, so the chances of acquiring
them are pretty good. These two encryption keys are
themselves usually transmitted in an encrypted form, but the
keys used to encrypt them are sometimes sent in the clear.
Thus while banks are generally somewhat careful with their
own customers, they are often quite helpful in giving rip-off
artists access to the customers of other banks. The evil
programmer simply reads off the encryption keys, uses them
to decrypt the COMKEY and NETKEY, which are in turn
used to decrypt account numbers and PINs.
The way to solve these security problems is to use
smart cards and public key cryptography. Banks can transmit
their public keys in the open without worrying about evil
wire-tapping programmers. Customer messages encrypted
with a bank's public key can only be decrypted with the
bank's private (secret) key. Digital cash issued by the bank
can be signed with the bank's private key, and anyone will be
able to check that the cash is authentic by using the bank's
public key. In addition, the bank will not be able to
repudiate cash signed in this way, because only the bank had
access to its own secret key. Communications between ATM
machines and bank computers can also take place with
randomly-generated encryption keys that can be determined
by each of the two parties, but which cannot be discovered
by someone who listens in on both sides of the traffic. [25]
Besides optical and magnetic stripe cards, there are
two types of "chip" cards. Chip cards are basically any cards
with electronic circuits embedded in the plastic. One type of
chip card, called a memory (or "wired logic") card, doesn't
have a microprocessor and isn't any smarter than the cards
we discussed previously. Prepaid phone cards are of this
type. They may have about 1K of memory, and can execute
a set of instructions, but can't be reprogrammed.
Then there are the truly smart cards that have a
microprocessor and several kilobytes of rewritable memory.
Smart cards allow for greatly increased security, since access
to their data is controlled by the internal microprocessor.
And there can be built-in encryption algorithms. This
versatility has made smart cards controversial.
The negative reputation arises from certain cases
where smart cards were imposed by force, as well as from
smart-card storage of biometric data. The use of smart cards
became a prerequisite for Marines to receive paychecks at
Parris Island, S.C. Finger-print based smart-card ID systems
were implemented by the Los Angeles Department of Public
Social Services and the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization
Service. The "Childhood Immunization" bill, introduced by
Sen. Ted Kennedy (D-MA), would have tracked vaccination
of all children under six years of age, together with at least
one parent, across geographical areas through smart cards
Access control at the U.S. Department of Energy Hanford
Site requires smart card badges which store the cardholder's
hand geometry. Security access through retinal scan patterns
stored in smart card memory have been tested at the Sandia
National Laboratory.
Visa recently announced plans for creating an
"electronic purse." The purse would be a reloadable spending
card. You would charge the card up at an ATM machine,
where it would suck some cash value out of your account,
and store it in memory. You would then use the card instead
of cash to make small purchases. Visa is attracted by the
estimate that consumer cash transactions in the U.S. are
about five times the size of bank-assisted transactions (those
that use checks, credit cards, and debit cards). Visa has been
joined in this endeavor by a consortium that includes
VeriFone, the leading supplier of point-of-sale transaction
systems, and Gemplus, the leading manufacturer of smart
cards.
There may be increased security in the use of an
electronic purse, but it is not clear how replenishing one's
card balance at an ATM is any more convenient for the user
than getting cash at an ATM. Since Visa is not advertising
the privacy aspects of electronic purse payments, one must
assume this feature was omitted in the planning. Hence a
cynic could conclude that the "electronic purse" is little more
than a Rube Goldberg device which, by substituting for cash,
will create a better set of PROMIS-type transaction records.
These and other examples suggest possible uses of
smart cards for more general surveillance and social control.
The truly paranoid envision the use of a single smart card for
every financial transaction, medical visit, and telephone call.
This information would be sent directly to a common
PROMIS-like data base, which would constitute a record of
all your activities. In addition, "your card could be
programmed to transmit its identification code whenever you
use it. So you (or your card, anyway) could be instantly
located anywhere on earth via the satellite-based Global
Positioning System" [26].
But smart cards don't have to be used this way.
Recall that mainframe computers once appeared destined to
turn the average citizen into Organization Man, a creature to
be folded, spindled and mutilated in lieu of IBM's punched
cards. The advent of the personal computer, however,
showed the same technology could be a tool of individual
freedom and creativity.
There is nothing intrinsically evil in storing a great
deal of information about ourselves, our finances, and our
current and future plans. That is, after all, exactly why some
of us carry around portable computers. But in this case the
use of the computer is voluntary, and we ourselves control
both access to, and the content of, the information. The same
principle applies to smart cards. It is smart cards more than
any other aspect of banking technology, I believe, that will
allow for financial privacy through cryptology, for
anonymous and secure digital cash transactions. It's simply a
matter of taking control of the technology and using it to
enhance personal freedom.
Suppose we had it our way. Suppose we sat down to
create digital cash that had all the right properties. What
would these be? Think of the attractive properties of
currency--physical cash. [27]
1) Physical cash is a portable medium of exchange.
You carry it in your pocket to give to people when you make
purchases. The digital equivalent of this process could be
provided by smart cards, which would have the mobility of
physical cash and even improve on it. The weight of
$1,000,000 in digital money is the same as the weight of $1.
2) You would want the ability to make digital cash
payments off-line, just like you can with physical cash. A
communication link between every store you shop at and
your bank's authorization computer shouldn't be required.
Moreover, if digital cash is to have all the desirable qualities
of physical cash, you should be able to transfer digital cash
directly to another smart-card-carrying individual. Smart
cards that could connect directly to other smart cards would
be ideal in this respect, and would represent an improvement
over physical cash. Even if everyone observed two smart
cards communicating, they would have no way of knowing
whether the transaction involved $5 or $50,000. There
would be no need to slide money under the table.
3) Digital cash should be independent of physical
location--available everywhere and capable of being
transferred through computer and other telecommunication
channels. So we want a smart card that can jack into the
communication nodes of the global information network.
One should be able to pop into a phone booth to make or
receive payments.
4) Got change for a dollar for the quarter slots in the
pool table? Just as we "make change" or divide physical
currency into subunits, so should electronic cash be divisible.
Is this a problem? Hmm. Electronic calculators can perform
an operation know as division, and so can third-graders. So
smart cards ought to be able to handle this also, even if it
presents a few difficulties for theoretical cryptology.
5) To be secure against crooks and rip-off artists,
digital cash should be designed in such a way that it can't be
forged or reused. We wouldn't want people spending the
same money twice, or acting as their own mini-Federal
Reserve Systems and creating money from nothing. This
cryptological problem is different between on-line and off-
line cash systems. In on-line systems the bank simply checks
whether a piece of cash has been spent before.
Proposed off-line systems rely on a framework
developed by David Chaum. Chaum has been the preeminent
cryptological researcher in the field of digital cash [28]. In
his framework for off-line systems, one can double-spend the
same piece of digital cash only by losing one's anonymity.
This has considerable value, because the bank or the person
defrauded, knowing the identity of the devious double-
spender, can send out a collection agent.
But I consider this way of enforcing the "no double-
spending" rule a serious flaw in Chaum's framework.
Catching thieves and rip-off artists is not the comparative
advantage of either banks or the average citizen. (Banks are
usually only good at providing transactions services, and
charging interest and fees.) Would you really want to see,
say, The First Subterranean Bank of Anonymous Digital
Cash merge with the Wackenhut Corporation? Luckily,
however, there are alternative approaches that will prevent
double-spending from ever taking place [29].
6) The most important requirement for individual
freedom and privacy is that digital cash transactions should
be untraceable, yet at the same time enable you to prove
unequivocally whether you made a particular payment.
Untraceable transactions would make impossible a PROMIS-
type data sorting of all your financial activities. In Joe
Blowup's financial chronology, discussed previously, you
wouldn't be able to connect Joe Blowup's name to any of his
purchases. Similarly, no one would know about the money
you wired to Lichtenstein, your purchase of Scientology e-
meters and the banned works of Maimonides, or your
frequent visits to the Mustang Ranch. Privacy-protected off-
line cash systems can be made nearly as efficient as similar
systems that don't offer privacy.
To set up a digital cash service meeting these
requirements, you would need to buy the rights to use patents
held by David Chaum and RSA, or equivalent rights, and
then set up a bank to issue accounts and smart cards in a
legal jurisdiction where the service won't run foul of the local
banking and money-laundering laws. Of course, in many
other countries the money-laundering statutes will be quickly
amended in an attempt to apply the same reporting
requirements to anonymous digital cash transactions as
currently apply to currency transactions. Such laws will
probably generate little compliance. [30] Since the
transactions in question are unconditionally untraceable,
there won't be any evidence of wrong-doing.
The system of anonymous digital cash will arise as a
parallel system to the existing one of ordinary money.
Therefore there will be a record of the initial entry into the
anonymous system. For example, you might write a $10,000
check drawn on Citibank to The First Subterranean Bank of
Anonymous Digital Cash. This check will be recorded, but
no subsequent transactions will be traceable, unless you
make transfers back out into the ordinary banking world.
Over time, as more people begin to use the anonymous cash
system, some wages will be paid in anonymous digital cash.
This will enable all income transactions, as well as
expenditures, to take place entirely outside the ordinary
monetary system.
Since the anonymous cash system will exist parallel
to the existing system, a floating exchange rate will be
created by market transactions between ordinary money and
anonymous money. Think, by analogy, of a currency board.
Such a board issues domestic currency through the purchase
of foreign "hard" currencies. In the same way, anonymous
digital cash will be issued through the purchase of ordinary
cash or bank deposits. That is, when you make a deposit at
The First Subterranean Bank of Anonymous Digital Cash,
First Subterranean will issue you an anonymous digital cash
account, and will in turn acquire ownership of the ordinary
money. The exchange ratio will not necessarily be one-for-
one. Anonymous digital cash that does not meet some of the
ease-of-use requirements listed previously may exchange for
less than 1 ordinary dollar. On the other hand, digital cash
that meets all those requirements will trade at a premium,
because anonymous digital cash has enhanced privacy
aspects. Money launderers, for example, currently get about
20 percent of the value of money that is made anonymous.
That represents an exchange rate of 1.25 "dirty" dollars for
one "clean" dollar. The market will similarly determine the
exchange ratio between ordinary and anonymous digital
money.
In the 1960s various tax and regulatory burdens, and
political risk considerations, gave rise to a new international
money market, the
Eurodollar market, which was created
specifically to get around these regulatory and political road-
blocks [31]. When a junior staff member of the Council of
Economic Advisors named Hendrik Houthakker discovered
the
Eurodollar market's existence, he thought it was an
important development, and recommended that some
discussion of it be included in the annual Economic Report of
the President. "No, we don't want to draw attention to it," he
was told. When Houthakker himself later became a member
of the Council under Nixon, he made sure the Report
included a discussion of the euromarkets. But it was only
much later, in the mid-70s, that the Report said, in a burst of
honesty: "The emergence and growth of the
Eurodollar
market may be viewed as a classic example of free market
forces at work, overcoming obstacles created by regulations,
and responding to market incentives to accommodate various
needs" [32].
In a similar way it will be said in some future Report,
that "the emergence and growth of anonymous digital cash
may be viewed as a classic example of free market forces at
work, overcoming obstacles created by surveillance
technologies and money-laundering regulations, and
responding to market incentives to accommodate the public's
need for financial privacy."
[1] Quoted in Money Laundering Bulletin, January 1995, p.
3.
[2] Some may view this as a trade secret of the Church of the
Subgenius, so let me cite two sources of publicly available
information. Firstly, I heard it in a sermon by David Meyer,
Pope of All New York, at the Kennel Club in Philadelphia in
the fall of 1985. Secondly, it is similarly proclaimed in
Subgenius Recruitment Tape #16, which may be rented from
Kim's Video in the East Village of Manhattan.
[3] Bryan Burrough, Vendetta: American Express and the
Smearing of Edmond Safra, HarperCollins, New York, 1992.
[4] Sec. 1517 (c) states: "Any financial institution that
makes a disclosure of any possible violation of law or
regulation or a disclosure pursuant to this subsection or any
other authority, and any director, officer, employee, or agent
of such institution, shall not be liable to any person under
any law or regulation of the United States or any
constitution, law, or regulation of any State or political
subdivision thereof, for such disclosure or for any failure to
notify the person involved in the transaction or any other
person of such disclosure."
[5] "A completely cashless economy where all transactions
were registered would create enormous problems for the
money launderers" (emphasis added), Report of the
Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering, Paris,
February 7, 1990.
[6] Kirk W. Munroe, "Money Laundering: the Latest
Darling of the Prosecutor's Nursery," law firm of Richey,
Munroe & Rodriguez, P.A., Miami, FL, 1994.
[7] President's Commission on Organized Crime, The Cash
Connection: Organized Crime, Financial Institutions, and
Money Laundering, U.S. Government Printing Office,
October 1984. This definition is certainly more coherent
than Michael Sindona's circular statement that "laundering
money is to switch the black money or dirty money . . . to
clean money."
The U.S. definition of money laundering is found in 18
U.S.C. 1956, which was enacted in 1986, and strengthened
in 1988, 1990, and 1992. It sets out three categories of
offenses: transaction offenses, transportation offenses, and
"sting" offenses.
Transaction Offenses: It is a money laundering transaction
crime for any person to conduct, or to attempt to conduct, a
financial transaction which, in fact, involves the proceeds of
specified unlawful activity, knowing that the property
involved in the transaction represents the proceeds of some
crime, and, while engaging in the transaction, with either a)
the intent to promote the carrying on of the specified
unlawful activity, or b) the intent to commit certain tax
crimes, or with the knowledge that the transaction is
designed at least in part a) to conceal or disguise the nature,
location, source, ownership, or control of the proceeds, or b)
to avoid a cash reporting requirement.
Transportation Offenses: It is a money laundering
transportation crime for any person to transport, transmit or
transfer, or to attempt to transport, transmit or transfer, a
monetary instrument or funds into or out of the U.S., and,
while engaging in the act, with either a) the intent to promote
the carrying on of specified unlawful activity, or b) the
knowledge the monetary instrument or funds represent the
proceeds of some crime, and the knowledge that the
transportation, etc., is designed, at least in part, (i) to conceal
or disguise the nature, location, source, ownership, or control
of the proceeds, or (ii) to avoid a cash reporting requirement.
"Sting" Offenses: It is a money laundering crime for any
person to conduct, or to attempt to conduct, a financial
transaction which involves property represented to be the
proceeds of specified unlawful activity, or property used to
conduct or to facilitate specified unlawful activity, said
representation being made by a law enforcement officer or
by another person at the direction of, or with the approval of,
a federal officer authorized to investigate or to prosecute
§1956 crimes, and, while engaging in the transaction, with
the intent to a) promote the carrying on of specified unlawful
activity, or b) conceal or disguise the nature, location, source,
ownership, or control of the property believed to be the
proceeds of specified unlawful activity, or c) avoid a cash
reporting requirement.
[8] See Samuel J. Rabin, Jr., "A Survey of the Statute and
Case Law Pertaining to 26 U.S.C. 60501 (Forms 8300)," in
Money Laundering, Asset Forfeiture and International
Financial Crimes, by Fletcher N. Baldwin, Jr., and Robert J.
Munro, 3 vols., Oceana Publications, New York, 1994.
[9] Section 4702 of P.L. 100-690.
[10] 31 C.F.R. 103.11(p) (1991).
[11] "The means should, in fact, include access by Interpol
to the telecommunications system SWIFT . . .," Draft
Explanatory Report on the Convention on Laundering,
Search, Seizure and Confiscation of the Proceeds from
Crime," September 8, 1990.
[12] Money Laundering Bulletin, March 1995, p. 3.
[13] U.S. Congress, Committee on the Judiciary, The Inslaw
Affair, House Report 102-857, September 10, 1992.
[14] Memorandum to Judge Nicholas Bua from Elliot
Richardson, p. 34. The NSA, naturally, is not
acknowledging the existence of such a chip, much less
providing technical information. But in order to avoid
detection of the chip's transmission signal by the
organization being spied upon, the chip would be designed
so its broadcast would be masked by the general--or some
characteristic--electronic noise of the computer. This could
imply a low-probability-of-interception digital spread
spectrum (SS) communication system with a broad
bandwidth, perhaps with a transmission frequency
in the range of 1 to 10 gigahertz. As a
related example of this technique, a "low level wideband SS
signal, can easily be hidden within the same spectrum as a
high power television signal where each signal appears to be
noise to the other" ("Spread Spectrum Techniques," in Geoff
Lewis, Newnes Communications Technology Handbook,
Oxford, 1994). The broadcast power requirements of such a
chip would not be large, but rather similar to a walkie-
talkie's. The information broadcast by the chip could then
either be monitored locally and re-transmitted to satellite, or
transmitted directly to a geosynchronous signals-collection
satellite such as Magnum. The Magnum and other U.S. spy
satellites are operated by the Air Force on behalf of the
National Reconnaissance Office, while NSA does the signal
processing. (I am grateful to John Pike, Director of Space
Policy & CyberStrategy Projects, Federation of American
Scientists, for advice on the information in this footnote. He
is not responsible for any errors or the specific content of any
statement.)
[15] I have in mind an NSA operation. But after Part I of
The End of Ordinary Money was circulated, the CIA
approached my own former company (which sells banking
software) and proposed that it provide cover for their agents
to enter foreign banks. The CIA also separately offered to
pay $100,000 for the customer list of a particular bank
among the Swiss big four.
[16] Barry A. K. Rider, "Fei Ch'ien Laundries--the Pursuit of
Flying Money," in Money Laundering, Asset Forfeiture and
International Financial Crimes.
[17] Money Laundering Bulletin, April 1995, p. 2.
[18] Ibid, p. 4.
[19] Details of the foreign exchange, eurocurrency, and
eurobond markets are covered at length in J. Orlin Grabbe,
International Financial Markets, 3rd edition, Simon &
Schuster, New York, 1995.
[20] Eurobonds are bearer bonds. So if you have the bond in
your pocket, you own it, in the same way you own the dollar
in your pocket. The same goes for interest coupons--they are
to be paid to bearer. Most eurobond-issuing companies pay
interest to Euroclear, which distributes the payments to the
owners of the bonds stored in its depository vaults. But the
companies are afraid that if the bonds are stolen, they will
have to pay the same coupons again. Hence they insist
coupons be clipped and destroyed as they are paid. When I
visited Morgan Guaranty (which operates Euroclear) in
Brussels in 1982, there were 20 employees whose full-time
job was clipping coupons.
[21] John W. Moscow, "The Collapse of BCCI," in Money
Laundering, Asset Forfeiture and International Financial
Crimes.
[22] Details of the card size, layout, coding, and recording
are laid out in ISO standards 7810 to 7813. The first track is
sometimes called the International Air Transport Association
(IATA) track, the second the American Bankers Association
(ABA) track, and the third the Mutual Institutions National
Transfer System (MINTS) track.
[23] This may be as simple as assigning the numbers 0 to 5
to the letters A to F. If this assignment is made, the
probability is three-fourths that a digit in the resulting
decimal number is one of 0 to 5, while there is only one-
fourth probability that a digit is 6 to 9.
[24] Computer logs are often kept for each part of a
transaction. So the evil programmer doesn't have to tap lines
if he can get hold of the logs instead.
[25] Public key encryption is implemented in the Datakey
smart card of the National Institute of Standards and
Technology. This card uses the Hitachi H8/310 processor.
Atmel and Phillips chips also include public-key encryption
hardware, and allow algorithms to be implemented by the
card's application designer. Smart and other chip card
standards are laid out in ISO 7816. (More on smart cards can
be found in Jose Luis Zoreda and Jose Manuel Oton, Smart
Cards, Artech House, Boston, 1994.) The recent ANSI X9F
standards include those for using public key systems to
secure financial transactions. The communication link would
involve two-way authentication using Diffie-Hellman key
exchange.
[26] Clark Matthews, "Tomorrow's 'Smart Cards': Technical
Marvels That Give Government Fearful Power," reprinted
from The Spotlight, undated.
[27] Some of the following points were broached in a
different way by T. Okamoto and K. Ohta, "Universal
Electronic Cash," Advances in Cryptology--Crypto 91,
Springer-Verlag, Berlin, 1992.
[28] See David Chaum, "Achieving Electronic Privacy,"
Scientific American, August 1992, pp. 96-101; "Blind
Signatures for Untraceable Payments," Advances in
Cryptology-- Crypto 82, D. Chaum, R.L. Rivest, & A.T.
Sherman (Eds.), Plenum, pp. 199-203; "Online Cash
Checks," Advances in Cryptology--Eurocrypt 89, J.J.
Quisquater & J. Vandewalle (Eds.), Springer-Verlag, pp.
288-293; "Efficient Offline Electronic Checks," with B. den
Boer, E. van Heyst, S. Mjxlsnes, & A. Steenbeek, Advances
in Cryptology--Eurocrypt 89, J.-J. Quisquater & J.
Vandewalle (Eds.), Springer-Verlag, pp. 294-301;
"Cryptographically Strong Undeniable Signatures,
Unconditionally Secure for the Signer" with E. van Heijst &
B. Pfitzmann, Advances in Cryptology--Crypto 91, J.
Feigenbaum (Ed.), Springer-Verlag, pp. 470-484; "Numbers
Can Be a Better Form of Cash than Paper," Smart Card
2000, D. Chaum (Ed.), North Holland, 1991, pp. 151-156;
"Privacy Protected Payments: Unconditional Payer and/or
Payee Untraceability," Smart Card 2000, D. Chaum & I.
Schaumuller-Bichl (Eds.), North Holland, 1989, pp. 69-93;
"Security Without Identification: Transaction Systems to
Make Big Brother Obsolete," Communications of the ACM,
vol. 28 no. 10, October 1985, pp. 1030-1044; "Smart Cash:
A Practical Electronic Payment System," J. Bos & D.
Chaum, CWI-Report CS-R9035, August 1990; "Untraceable
Electronic Cash," with A. Fiat, & M. Naor, Advances in
Cryptology--Crypto '88, S. Goldwasser (Ed.), Springer-
Verlag, pp. 319-327.
[29] "[P]rior restraint of double-spending can be achieved by
using a tamper-resistant computing device that is capable of
merely performing a signature scheme of the Fiat-Shamir
type (of one's own choice), such as the Schnorr signature
scheme" (Stefan Brands, "Highly Efficient Electronic Cash
Systems," March 17, 1994.)
[30] I highly recommend Henry David Thoreau's essay Civil
Disobedience.
.
[31] These included the interest ceilings set by the Federal
Reserve's Regulation Q, Kennedy's Interest Equalization
Tax, and the Foreign Credit Restraint Program. See
International Financial Markets, Chapter 1.
[32] Economic Report of the President, 1975.
First posted to the Internet May 1995.
Copyright 1995
The End of Ordinary Money or
The End of Ordinary Money, Part II:
When Osama Bin Laden Was Tim Osman
This comes from the
Libertarian Alliance. It is not one of their best offerings but it is on the
right lines.
Were leaked to the irritation of various rogues, hypocrites and liars. Only
fools pay tax willingly. Lots of chancers use accountants and lawyers to
bypass the taxman. Too many go on to complain about others doing the same.
QUOTE
Money laundering is the process of concealing the source of obtained
money. The methods by which money may be laundered are varied and can range in
sophistication. Many regulatory and governmental authorities quote estimates
each year for the amount of money laundered, either worldwide or within their
national economy. In 1996 the
International Monetary Fund estimated that two to five percent of the
worldwide global economy involved laundered money. However, the
Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering (FATF), an intergovernmental
body set up to combat money laundering, stated that "overall it is absolutely
impossible to produce a reliable estimate of the amount of money laundered and
therefore the FATF does not publish any figures in this regard.
Academic commentators have likewise been unable to estimate the volume of money
with any degree of assurance.
UNQUOTE
This was written by a self righteous rogue or a fool.
This comes from the
Libertarian Alliance. It is not one of their best offerings but it is on the
right lines.
The End of Ordinary Money, Part I
by J. Orlin Grabbe
Oh, What a Lovely War!
"The economics of the heroin trade are also important.
While at U.S. street prices, cocaine and heroin are
competitive, at the wholesale level heroin has a
strong advantage. A kilo of cocaine wholesales for
between $10,500 and $40,000; a kilo of heroin will
fetch on average between $50,000 and $250,000.
With the likelihood that heroin will be to the 1990's
what cocaine was to the 1980's, Latin American
trafficking organizations are poised to cash in on a
heroin epidemic" [12].
And, naturally,
so also are those who fight them.
99 and 44/100 Percent Pure
The Digital World of Money
Public Key Cryptography in One Easy Lesson
The Growth of the Information Superspyway
The Escrowed Encryption Standard
"The industry argues
persuasively that overseas markets (much less drug
lords or spies) will not look with favor on U.S.
products which have known trapdoors when
offshore products which do not have them are
available. In support of their argument, they note
that powerful public-key cryptography developed
and patented by RSA using U.S. tax dollars is free
to developers in Europe, subject to royalties in the
United States, and cannot be exported without
expensive and time-late export licenses. These
charges are true. . . .Despite these concerns, the
President has directed that the Attorney General
request that manufacturers of communications
hardware use the trapdoor chip, and at least AT&T
has been reported willing to do so (having been
suitably incentivised by promises of government
purchases)" [47].
The Digital Signature Standard
The Buck Stops Here
Footnotes
Web Page:http://www.aci.net/kalliste/homepage.html
The End of Ordinary Money, Part II:
Money Laundering, Electronic Cash, and Cryptological
Anonymity
by J. Orlin Grabbe
The Banker as Snitch: the Brave New World
of Law Enforcement
Money Laundering--What Is It, Anyway?
PROMIS Land
The Gathering Storm
Electronic Finance 101
Smart and Not-So-Smart Cards
Are Smart Cards the Mark of the Beast?
Electronic Cash the Way It Ought To Be
Parallel Money Systems
Go to Part I of this article.
Footnotes
J. Orlin Grabbe
1475 Terminal Way, Suite E
Reno, NV 89502.
Web Page: http://www.aci.net/kalliste/homepage.html
Carry On Laundering
Is print only pro tempore in PE 1531/20
It accuses
HSBC
Standard Chartered
"Trade Leader Corporation Ltd." OWNED BY A SHELL with a Russian owner
Organized Crime and Corruption
Reporting Project
Vida Panama Zona Libre
VIDA PANAMA (ZONA LIBRE)S.A. Arab directors - see
http://www.registro-publico.gob.pa/co...
Independent monitor Michael Cherkasky -
Michael Cherkasky Chairman/Co-Founder, Exiger LLC invited to bugger off
- A pioneer in
fraud industry
Stuart Gulliver
Richard Brooks
|
|
---|---|
Born | 18 August 1965 |
Nationality | English |
Occupation | |
Known for | Investigative journalism |
Richard Brooks (born 18 August 1965) is a British tax inspector and investigative journalist. He writes principally for Private Eye, is the author of books on accountancy and tax avoidance, and was a 16-year senior corporate tax inspector HMRC. He is the joint winner of two Paul Foot Awards, an annual award for investigative or campaigning journalism.
Brooks worked as a HM Revenue and Customs tax inspector for 16 years up until 2005 specialising in international and corporate taxation.[1][2]
Since 2005, he has been a regular contributor to Private Eye.[2] In 2008 Brooks was joint-winner of the Paul Foot Award for his investigation into the privatisation of the CDC Group. He is the author of The Great Tax Robbery: How Britain Became a Tax Haven for Fat Cats and Big Business (2013) and the co-author (with David Craig) of Plundering the Public Sector: How New Labour are letting consultants run off with £70 billion of our money (2006).[3] With Andrew Bousfield, he was joint-winner again of the Paul Foot Award in 2014 for their investigations in Private Eye on bribery inShady Arabia and the Desert Fix.[4] In 2018 Brooks published a new book, Bean Counters: The Triumph of Accountants and how they broke Capitalism.[5]
Richard Brooks is a digger and a troublemaker who niggles away at difficult subjects in a meticulous, punchy and highly effective way.
— Alan Rusbridger, Editor Guardian.[6]
This is where Brooks comes into his own: not only does he have a near-encyclopedic knowledge of [tax] anomalies sanctioned by the state, he also has an ear for resonant detail.
— Jonathan Ford, Lead Writer Financial Times[7]
Richard Brooks is an ex-HM Revenue & Customs (HMRC) tax inspector turned investigative journalist, regarded as one of the U.K.'s best reporters on tax avoidance.
— The International Tax Review[8]
I am a journalist with Private Eye magazine. I write on a number of issues including tax and was a member of the Guardian’s "Tax Gap" team that ran a series on corporate tax avoidance two years ago. Until 2005 I was a tax inspector at HMRC specialising in international and corporate taxation
Richard Brooks is one. He was a tax inspector for 16 years, and spent a year at the Treasury giving policy advice to ministers.